LIFE OF GENERAL DMIEL MORGAN. 



^1^^ 

* 



#^ 



THE LIFE 

GENEPiAL DAXIEL MORGAN, 

OF THE 

VIRGINIA LINE 

OF THE ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES, 



PORTIONS OF HT! 



COERESPOIs^DE^^CE ; 



COMPILED FROM AUTHENTIC SOURCES, 
BY JAMES GRAHAM. 



"QUIB4CS FABCR EUA FOKTU> 



NEW YORK : 
DERBY & JACKSON, 119 NASSAU SI. 

1859. 






«» according to Act of Congress, in the year 188«, by 
DERBY & JACKSON, 
. Ca«A'i Office of the District Court of the United States fo- the Southern Di.trict of NewTotk. 




'^J 



I H. VUnoX, STSBBOTTPXB. 



OKO. SD8SXLL A CO., I BIN] 



PREFACE 



When a writer puts forth a book, the subject of which has prc-engagcd 
public sympathy, he is more than ordinarily obligated to furnish such 
explanations regarding its origin and character, as may give it a claim to 
public confidence. The chief, if not the only recommendations of this 
work, will be found in the motives which suggested it, and in the truthful- 
ness of its details. However well-founded may be my fears, that I shall 
fail of success in all other respects, I cherish the hope that in these I shall 
prove more fortunate. Satisfaction to the reader and justice to myself, 
equally require, then, that in presenting these sketches to the pubhc, the 
considerations with which they originated, and the circumstances under 
which they were completed, should be briefly stated. 

At the death of General Morgan, his papers, correspondence, &c., went 
into the possession of his son-in-law. General Presley Neville. During the 
fifteen or twenty years which succeeded, many of these papers were lost or 
destroyed. What remained of them at the termination of this period, how- 
ever, were collected, arranged, and bound into two large volumes, by the 
general's grandson, Major Morgan Neville, to whom, at the death of his 
father, they were left. When he died, these volumes became the property 
of his widow, who submitted them to my perusal, with the object of ascer- 
taining whether the publication of a select portion of their contents would 
be advisable or not. 

This collection is a very valuable one, embracing as it does, letters hith- 
erto unpublished, from Washington, Greene, Lafayette, Wayne, Gates, 
Jefferson, Hamilton, Henry, Rutledge, and many other distinguished men 
of the revolutionary era. It was with no little pleasure that I perused and 
re-perused these interesting relics of men and times associated with such 
glorious recollections. They furnish an epistolary history of the war, from 
the pens of its leading spirits ; and abound in facts and circumstances, 



yi PKEFACE. 

which the historian has either failed or feared to notice. But what chiefly 
attracted my attention, was the additional light which they shed upon the 
private character and military services of General Morgan, and upon the 
details of his long and eventful career. Until I saw these papers, I labored 
under the common error of assigning to him a position among the worthies 
of the revolution, far below that which ije no^only deserved, but actually 
occupied. My curiosity to learn all that was attainable of his history was 
now aroused. After examining all the sources of information within my 
reach, I became convinced that few, if any, of the heroes of that day furnished 
larger contributions than he did to the glory of our arms, or surpassed him in 
the amount and value of their services. Nevertheless, I found that beyond 
a few brief, and generally incorrect sketches, and a short paragraph in a 
biographical dictionary, almost everything regarding him, not incidental 
to the history of the revolutionary struggle, existed only in a tradition, 
already distorted by the operations of time, and soon to be merged into 
an irreclaimable oblivion ; that his character and conduct had been mis- 
conceived in some cases, and misrepresented in others; and that from 
these causes, many of our revolutionary historians had been betrayed into 
statements at variance with facts, and injurious to his fame. The absence 
of full and correct information regarding a man whose name and deeds 
furnish so rich a source fui national pi'ide, has, besides, tempted Fiction to 
make him the theme of her legends. But the fanciful pictures vhich she 
has drawn, though recognizable, are not likenesses, while the) fall far 
short of the spirit and dignity which invested the reality. 

The American people hold in especial reverence the memory of those 
whose patriotism and valor were rendered conspicuous in the revolutionary 
war. The day is far distant, if, indeed, such a day will ever arrive, when 
they will cease to regard with interest everything in relation to that band 
of heroes and sages. I felt that the merit of good intentions would at 
least be accorded him, who would essay to rescue so distinguished a name 
from the fate with which it was threatened ; and that if he should succeed 
in adding to the stock of correct information, regarding some of the most 
important events of the war, he might hope for a more gratifying indica- 
tion of public approval. Yet, the original, and other sources of informa- 
tion then in my possession, furnished ample means, not only to compass 
these ends, but to vindicate his spotless reputation, to restore him to the 
high position which he occupied among the heroes and patriots of the war, 
and to win him a more enduring, if not a more favorable hold upon the 
memory of posterity. With reflections like these, originated the determi- 



PREFACE. 711 

nation on my part, to collect and arrange all the information concerning 
the general, that was attainable at eo late a day, and while drawing from 
this a detailed narrative of his eventful life, to obtain for his fame all the 
benefit which its testimony afforded. 

But ample as were the materials furnished by Gen. Morgan's MSS., and 
the published memorials of the revolutionary war and of its leading spirits, 
much was yet to be gathered before a complete and connected chain of 
events could be formed. My efforts to supply this deficiency led iui into 
an extensive correspondence, and resulted in a great addition to my 
original stock of information. And here a proper occasion presents itself to 
make my acknowledgments to the gentlemen who so promptly responded 
to my calls for aid. To a large number of these, it would be but echoing 
the suggestions of my gratitude to express my thanks in connection with 
their names; but the fear that such a return would be distasteful to 
them, counsels me to be silent. A few, however, have contributed so 
largely and so valuably to my collections, as to render acknowledgments 
a duty as well as a pleasure. The first of these is the late Dr. Wm. Hill, 
of Winchester, Virginia. This gentleman, who died about three years ago, was 
one of Morgan's personal and intimate friends. He attended the general 
during the illness which terminated his life, and preached the funeral sermon 
which was delivered over his grave. To him I am indebted for a large collec- 
tion of facts, anecdotes, &c., in relation to Gen. Morgan, which run through 
his entire career, and which are recorded from his own hps. It would be 
difficult to estimate the advantages I derived from this valuable contribu- 
tion. Besides the intrinsic information which it yielded so largely, it 
served as an index, whereby the reduction of a chaos of facts into order 
was facilitated, and it explained circumstances, which, without it, would 
have remained inexplicable. Whatever of merit may be accorded to the 
connection of events, as displayed here and there through the work, will 
in a great degree be owing to the assistance I received from Dr. HilL To 
P. H. Skipwith, Esq., a grandson of Gen. Greene's, I am greatly obliged for 
copies of a number of letters, written by Gen, Morgan to Gen. Greene ; 
among others, the original report of the battle of the Cowpens, and the 
letters following that event up to the time when the American army 
reached Guilford Court House. These contributions were exceedingly 
valuable, as they added largely to the mass of testimony, proving that the 
statements of many historians, in relation to the operations of the adverse 
armies, before and after the battle of the Cowpens, are erroneous. My 
acknowledgments are likewise due to T. M. Nightingale, Esq., also a 
descendant of Gen. Greene, for portions of Morgan's correspondence, littl? 



Vlll PREFACE. 

less valuable and interesting than those received from Mr. Skipwith. I 
am also under obligations to Gov. Johnson, of South Carolina, not only 
for the valuable information which he caused to be prepared and sent to 
me, but for the lively interest which he manifested in the progress and 
object of my labors. 

In the compilation of these Sketches, recourse was necessarily and 
frequently had to such published authorities as yielded the description of 
information I sought. I have had frequent occasion to profit by the 
details of works of this character ; but in no case have I knowingly done 
so, without making the usual marginal reference. Should any instance to 
the contrary be discovered, however, I hope it will be attributed to 
inadvertence rather than to design. From this general acknowledgment, 
I must, however, make an exception in favor of Judge Johnson's Life of 
Gen. Greene, to which work I am indebted for much and valuable inform- 
ation regarding Gen. Morgan's connection with the military operations in 
the South, during the years 1780 and 1781. The assistance I derived 
from Judge Henry's narrative, in describing Morgan's sufferings and 
services during the memorable expedition to and assault upon Quebec, 
and from Gen. Wilkinson's memoirs, in giving his participation in the 
campaign which terminated with the surrender at Saratoga, also deserve 
especial notice. 

I will now close by declaring that if the result should prove in any 
degree an acceptable offering to the memory of the man whose life and 
services it purports to record, and whose fame it essays to preserve, I shall 
feel mj'self amply rewarded, 

James Graham. 

Nkw Obleans, ifay, 1866. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 

The Ancestry, parentage, and early history of General Daniel Morgan— Tlie imr«"essiona 
created by his first appearance in Virginia — His first employment — Superintends a mill 
— employed as a wagoner — Purchases a wagon and horses, and becomes a wagoner on 
his own account — His great and rapid improvement, physical and mental — Glance at the 
country and its population — He begins to attract notice— The opening of the seven years' 
war — Morgan engaged as a wagoner in the train of General Braddock — The army 
advances— The difficulties which it encounters in its march— Morgan fights and con- 
'•^uers a noted pugilist— Braddock's defeat— The retreat to Fort Cumberland— Measures 
of defence taken by the Virginia Assembly— Morgan employed as a wagoner in the 
service of the colony, IT 



CHAPTER II. 

Morgan is engaged in transporting supplies — The attack of a band of Indians repulsed— 
He strikes an officer, and receives five hundred lashes — Anecdote — Inroad of the 
French and Indians— Surprise and destruction of Captain Mercer and his command — 
Morgan joins a body of militia sent to reinforce the garrison at Edward's fort — In an 
attack upon the fort, Morgan distinguishes himself — Receives commission as ensign — 
Falls into an ambuscade, is desperately wounded, but escapes — Remarks upon his char- 
acter, habits, &c. — The meetings at Berry's tavern— His fights with Bill Davis— Anec- 
dote — Morgan marries — Establishes himself at " Soldiers' Rest " — Pontiac's war — Mor- 
gan takes the field, and advances to Fort Cumberland— At the close of the war, returns 
home— His daughters — His moral and intellectual unprovement— Is commissioned a 
captain, 28 



CHAPTER in. 

Increase of population and resources of the Virginia Valley — Dissatisfaction of the Indians 
at the encroachments of the whites — The murder of Indians — Preparations for war — 
The expedition to the Wappatomica towns, under Major McDonald— Morgan commanda 

i* J* 



: CONTENTS. 

a company therein— After destroying the towns, corn, Ac, McDonald retreats— Con- 
flict with the Indians on the march— Arrival at Wheeling of Lord Dunmore with the 
northern division of the army— Is joined by Morgan— The army advances towards the 
Shawanese towns — Battle of the Point — Morgan marches with a detachment under 
Major Crawford, and destroys the hostile towns — Peace concluded with the Indians — 
Events preliminary to the Revolutionary struggle— Pledge of the troops to support the 
Bostonians in the event of hostilities — The war commenced — Morgan commissioned a 
captain of riflemen — Raises a company and marches to Boston — Joins a detachment 
commanded by Arnold, about starting on a secret expedition, 44 



CHAPTER IV. 

Invasion of Canada — Arnold's expedition to Quebec — Joined by Morgan— Dispute in rela- 
tion to command — Letter from Washington — Expedition moves up the Kennebec — Its 
progress, and the difliculties it encounters — Morgan's capacity for command, illustrated 
— Difficulties encountered by the expedition — It crosses the " height of land " — Morgan 
and his company attempt to descend the Chaudiere — Lose all their bateaux, and narrowly 
escape destruction in the rapids — Expedition sufifers dreadfully from hunger, cold and 
fatigue — Reaches the settlements at the river de Loup — Subsequently advances to Point 
Levi— Reflection— Sympathy of the inhabitants in the objects of the expedition— Morgan 
captures midshipman McKenzie — The humanity he displayed on that occasion — Prepar- 
ations for crossing the St. Lawrence, and assaulting Quebec — The river crossed, . 55 



CHAPTER V. 

Vigorous preparations of the enemy — Americans cross the St. Lawrence — Morgan pro- 
poses an immediate assault upon the town — Capture of Caldwell's house — Demonstra- 
tion before the the town — Altercation between Morgan and Arnold — Americans retire 
to Point aux Trembles — On the arrival of Gen. Montgomery, they return and lay siege 
to Quebec — It is at length resolved to assault the town — The dispositions with this 
object, and the attack — Arnold, struck down, is succeeded in the command by Morgan 
— His intrepid conduct during the assault — Captures the first barrier — Advances against 
the second barrier — Encounters a body of the enemy — Morgan shoots their officer — 
Bloody encounter at the second barrier — Americans repulsed — Are at length sur- 
rounded by the enemy, to whom they surrender — The progress of Montgomery's divi- 
sion — Reflections, 82 



CHAPTER VI. 

Governor Carleton — His kind treatment of the prisoners — Their efforts to escape — Morgan 
oflfered a colonelcy in the British service, which he rejects with indignation — Arnold 
Btill invests Quebec— Arrival of the British fleet, with an army of twelve thousand men 
— The British rule re-established over Canada — The prisoners petition Gov. Carleton for 
permission to return to their homes on parole — Their liberation — Morgan visits the 
American head-quarters— At the recommendation of the commander-in-chief, he i3 



CONTENTS. XI 

appointed colonel of the Rifle regiment — Recruiting for the new army- Morgan urged 
to push the enlistment for his regiment — He marches to Morristown — Formation of the 
regiment of Rangers — The instructions of the commander-in-chief, .... 109 



CHAPTER Til. 

The enemy advance in the direction of the Delaware — The Rangers approach, and attack 
their outposts and flanking parties — The enemy retire towards Auiboy — Attacked by 
Morgan, and pursued by him and Wayne as far as Piscataway — The enemy march to 
Westfield — Morgan engages their advance — On their retreat to Rahway, Scott and 
Morgan attack them with effect — Nortiiern army reinforced — Morgan ordered to Haver- 
straw — Uncertainty as to the enemy's designs — Morgan is ordered to hasten towards 
Philadelphia — After a period of doubt, receives orders to march to the north and join 
General Gates — Extracts of letters from the commander-in-chief in relation to Morgan 
and his corps— The situation of affairs in tlie north — Morgan arrives at Albany — Letter 
from General Gates to Morgan — Arrival of the latter at head-quarters — Morgan receives 
a flattering reception from General Gates — A battalion of light infantry is added to his 
command, 124 



CHAPTER VIU. 

The American army encamp on Behmus Heights — Morgan thrown forward to observe the 
enemy— He engages a German regiment, and forces it to retire— The British take a posi- 
tion nearer to the American camp — The events preliminary to, and attendant upon, 
the battle of Behmus Heights — Reflections on this battle — The letters of the opposing 
generals concerning it — The projected assault — Burgoyne resolves to await the expected 
junction with Sir Henry Clinton — Difficulty between Gates and Arnold respecting Moi-- 
gan and his command — Arnold resigns his command in the army — Gates refuses to be 
reconciled to Arnold, or to restore him to his command — Remarks on these cir- 
cumstances, 140 



CHAPTER IX. 

Letter from Washington to Gen. Gates, and an extract from the latter's reply — Critical 
situation of Burgoyne — His advance leads to the second battle of Stillwater— Morgan's 
corps routs the British light infantry— Death of Gen. Frazer — Assault on the enemy's 
camp — Anecdote — CornWallis abandons his camp, and takes a new position — Morgan 
advances to impede the enemy's retreat — Skirmishes with their pickets— Ameiican army 
return to their entrenched camp, when Burgoyne retreats to the north bank of Saratoga 
creek, and encamps — He is overtaken by the Americans — Burgoyne meditates a retreat 
to Fort Edward — His advanced detachments driven back — He resolves to abandon his 
baggage, &c., and endeavor to escape by a night march — The hopelessness of his situa- 
tion by the frustration of his scheme — Contemplated assault upon the enemy's camp — ■ 
Fortunate discovery of mistake — Position of the American army — Correspondence 
regarding a capitulation— Termination of the campaign— General reflections— Unfriendly 
conduct of Gen. Gates to Morgan- The cause of this change— Anecdote — Remarks on 
the propriety of employing marksmen, ......... 15T 



XU CONTENTS, 



CHAPTER X. 



Morgan marches from Saratoga, southward — Q-ates's unwillingness to supply the coo^ 
mander-in-chief with reinforcements — The latter's anxiety for the return of Morgau— - 
The opinion of the army regarding the rifle corps and its commander — Military eve v.\A 
— Morgan arrives at "Whitemarsh — Expedition under Cornwallis — Lafayette, with A 
portion of the rifle corps, engages and defeats a body of the enemy — Tl\e Britlcb 
advance to Chestnut Hill — Routs the Pennsylvania militia — Engaged by Morgan and 
Gcn-eral Gist, with Maryland militia — The latter obliged to yield — The riflemen, after a 
sanguinary conflict, retire in good order — The loss severe on both sides— Death of 
Major Morris — Lafayette — His generosity towards the widow and orphans of Morris— 
The American army goes into winter quarters— Disposition of troops— Foraging expe- 
dition of the enemy — Morgan in observation, has repeated skirmishes with them — 
Hardships he encountered from hunger, cold and want of rest — The enemy return to 
Philadelphiil — The distressing situation of the American army— Morgan leaves his com- 
mand on a short visit home — His reception, 176 



CHAPTER XI. 

Morgan returns to the army— Opening of the new campaign— Abortive attempt to 
surprise Lafayette at Barren Hill— Morgan, with 400 volunteers, pursues the enemy- 
Preparations of the latter for some important movement — Consequent precautions of 
the commander-in-chief — Morgan's activity — His system of commanding — His aversion 
to flogging — Anecdotes — The enemy evacuate Philadelphia — The movements of the 
American army which followed — Morgan detached in aid of Gen. Maxwell— The 
British march to Monmouth C.H.— Morgan gains their right flanli— Captures their 
straggling parties— Plan to ensnare him recoils on its authors— Morgan and Dicliinson 
meditate an attack on the enemy's baggage— Change of dispositions in the British line 
of march — Battle of Monmouth Court-house — Morgan's disappointment at not having 
iad a share in the conflict— Enemy retreat to Middletown, followed by Morgan— Battle 
between his regiment and the British rear guard — The enemy embark for New-York, 
and Morgan marches for New Brunswick, 191 



CHAPTER Xn. 

Morgan commands Woodford's brigade— The rifle corps— Operations of tlie army — 
Letters from Lord Stirling— Correspondence in relation to recruiting service — Lette* 
from Lafayette— Movements of the enemy— American army goes into winter quarters — 
Morgan appointed colonel of the 7th Virginia regiment— Operations of the enemy on 
the Hudson — Gen. Woodford resumes his command — Causes operating on Morgan's 
mind, determining him to retire from the service — Letter from Washington — Morgan at 
home— Regret of the army at his retirement— Operations in the South— Gen. Gates 
appointed to the command of the Southern army— His letter to Morgan— Their recon- 
ciliation — Morgan refuses to comply with the demand for his services without an 
Kpcrease of rank--Take» the field oo hearing the result of the battlo of Camden, . 215 



CONTENTS. XIU 



CHAPTER Xin. 

The dispositions and operations of tlie opposing forces — Morgan joins Gates at Hills- 
borough — The enemy advances towards North Carolina — Morgan offered a command 
in the North Carolina militia — Appointed by Gates to command a legionary corps — 
Battle of King's Moux.tain — Cornwallis retreats to Winnsborough — Morgan appointed 
a brigadier general — Letter from Gen. Gates — Morgan advances to vicinity of the 
enemy — Letter froc; Col. 0. U. Williams — Destitution of the army — Repulse of Major 
Wemys — Battle of Blackstock House — Capture of Col. Rugely and his command — 
Congress determines to supersede Gen. Gates — Gen. Greene — Uis arrangements, pre- 
liminary to taking the command of the Southern army — The general prospect — Gen. 
Greene's plan of action — Morgan appointed to a separate command — He marches to the 
west of Broad rivei -- Greene, with the main body, moves to the Pedee — Morgan's 
instructions, 236 



CHAPTER XIV. 

Morgan marches towards the Catawba river— His expectations of being joined by the 
miUtia disappointed — Causes of their non-appearance — Letter from Gen. Davidson — 
Morgan's arrangements — Detaches Col. Washington against a body of Tories — The 
latter cut to pieces — Washington destroys Fort Williams — Morgan sends another 
detachment to covc. Washington's retreat — Letters: from Morgan to Greene; from 
Gov. Rutledge to Morgan ; from Greene to Morgan ; from Col. 0. H. Williams to 
Morgan ; from G^i-eene to Morgan ; from Morgan to Greene ; from Greene to 
Morgan— Cornwallis directs Tarletou to advance against Morgan— Cornwallis puts his 
army in motion, 2C2 



CHAPTER XV. 

Morgan determines to take a position nearer to the fords of Broad river — Tarleton 
approaches — Morgan retires to Burr's Mills — Tarleton crosses the Pacolet — Morgan 
marches to the Cowpens, where he announces his intention of awaiting the enemy — 
Letter from Morgan o Greene, and reply thereto — Tarleton follows Morgan— A com- 
parison of these officers — The motives which actuated them respectively in risking a 
battle — Morgan's preparations for the expected conflict — Anecdote — Tarleton 
approaches — Skirmish between the enemy's advance and the American patrol — The 
Cowpensr— Description of the field — Morgan's disposition of his forces — His directions 
and exhortations to the men — The enemy's cavalry drive in the American front — 
Tarleton's dispositions- His advance to the attack— The battle— The enemy routed— 
Conflict between Washington and Tarleton— The latter escapes capture only by a 
mistake of his pursuers— The results— Official account of the battle, with a list of the 
officers engaged therein., 281 



CHAPTER XVI. 

Reflections suggested by the battle of the Cowpens— Morgan's conduct on that occasion 
defended— The news of the victory received with joy throughout the country— Resolu- 



XIV CONTENTS. 

tions of Congress and letter of President Huntington— Resolutions of Virginia House of 
Delegates, and letter from Speaker, Richard M. Lee— Congratulatory letters from Gen. 
Davidson, Gov, Rutledge, Col. O. H. Williams and Gen. Sumter— After the battle, Mor- 
gan retreats across Broad river towards the Catawba— Cornwallis, deterred by the 
result of the battle, awaits a junction with Leslie before marching in pursuit of Morgan 
—Believing that the latter intended remaining north of Broad river, CornwaUis marches 
in that direction — Discovers his mistake — His unavailing pursuit— Morgan reaches the 
east bank of the Catawba — His letter to Gen. Greene— Reflections upon the military 
events just detailed — Morgan resolves to defend the fords of the Catawba— His letters to 
Gen. Greene from this quarter, 313 



CHAPTER XVII. 

The disappointment of Morgan's expectations of efficient aid from the militia— Joined by 
Gen. Davidson with eight hundred men — The British at length approach the Catawba 
— The river becomes suddenly impassable — Gen. Greene arrives at Sherrald's ford— The 
Catawba subsides, when Morgan retreats to the Yadkin— The fords of the Catawba 
guarded by Davidson and his militia — The enemy cross the river— Battle at McCowan's 
ford, and death of Davidson — Tai'leton's cruelty at Tarrant's tavern — Morgan crosses 
the Yadkin— His rear guard attacked by the enemy, who are repulsed— Cornwallis 
advances to the Yadkin, now also become impassable — He marches to the shallow 
fords — The American divisions concentrate at Guilford, C. H. — Morgan becomes too 
unwell to continue in the field— His letters to Gen. Greene regarding his ill-health, and 
signifying his wish for leave of absence — Greene determines to retire still farther — 
Remarks on the condition, objects and prospects of the contending forces — Morgan 
oflfered the command of the light troops — He obtains leave to retire — He is solicited to 
take command of the North Carolina militia — American army retreats towards Boyd's 
ferry — Morgan proceeds to Virginia — Reflections on the military events subsequent to 
the battle of the Cowpens, and on his participation therein — The misstatements regarding 
these events, and Morgan, which have crept into history, exposed, .... 838 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

Morgan determines to go home — Compelled from weakness to stop on the way— Extracts 
from a letter to Gen. Greene — His letter to Greene from Carter Harrison's— Reaches 
home— Letter from Gen. Greene, giving an account of the battle of Guilford C. H.— 
Morgan's reply — His health partially restored — Is solicited by the authorities of Virginia 
to give his aid in resisting her invaders — Letter from Lafayette — Resolution of the 
House of Delegates — Letter from Gov. Jefferson — Morgan suppresses the Claypoole 
insurrection— Rumors of the advance of the enemy into the valley— Removal of the 
prisoners — Martial spirit aroused — Address of the speakers of the Virginia Legislature 
to Morgan, soliciting his assistance — He raises a force of horse and foot, and marches 
to join Lafayette — Letters from the latter — Battle at Jamestown — Morgan joins 
Lafayette the day following— Is invested with the command of the cavalry and the 
light troops, 869 



C ONTENTS. XV 



CHAPTEE XIX. 

Lafayette retires to Richmond— Wayne and Morgan posted at G-oode's bridge— Cornwallis 
marches towards Portsmouth — Tarleton dispatched to Bedford Co. — Unsuccessful 
attempt to intercept him — Letter from Lafayette — He encamps on Malvin Hill — Letters 
from Wayne — Morgan again unwell — Letter to Greene — The reply — Morgan returns 
home — Letter from Lafayette — Letter to Washington — The reply— Letter to Washing- 
ton — The reply — removes to " Saratoga " — His elder daughter married to Col. Neville 
— Morgan's health partially restored — Letter to Greene — His conduct on the disbandment 
of the array — The Cowpens medal — Letter to J. F. Mercer — The reply — The soldiery 
become the victims of speculators — Morgan interferes in behalf of the former — His 
motives misrepresented by the speculators to the injury of his character — Washington 
in consequence, ceases to esteem him — An explanation is followed by a reconciliation — 
Morgan's conduct under the calumnies of his enemies — Extract of a letter from Col. C. 
M. Thurston, 890 



CHAPTER XX. 

Morgan in private life — Becomes wealthy, and rises in consideration — His younger daugh- 
ter married to Major Heard — He obtains the Cowpens medal — Indian war — Defeat of 
St. Clair, followed by preparations for a new campaign— Morgan appointed a brigadier 
general — The excise law, and the consequences of its execution — Gen. Neville — 
Appointed inspector — Resistance to the law assumes the form of rebellion — Meetings of 
the insurgents — Gen. Neville's house attacked, and destroyed by fire— He and other 
persons obnoxious to the insurgents obliged to flee — Meeting at Braddock's field — The 
President resolves to maintain the laws — Sends commissioners to confer with the insur- 
gents, and calls 15,000 men into service — The Convention at Parkinson's ferry — Mor- 
gan's opinion of the conduct of the insurgents — Is appointed major general of the 
Virginia militia — His alarm for the safety of his daughter and her children — Prepares to 
go to Pittsburg, but is dissuaded therefrom — Letter from Col. Neville — The alacrity with 
which the Virginians obeyed the President's call for aid — Letter to the President — The 
reply — Letter from Col. Hamilton — The militia advance into the theatre of disturbance 
—Morgan marches to Pittsburg— Termination of the "whisky insurrection "—The 
troops return home, 412 



CHAPTER XXI. 

Morgan stationed in the disaffected region — Resolution of Congress — A new force enlisted 
— Arrests — The judicious policy adopted by Morgan — Its happy results — His generosity 
—Is a candidate for Congress — Is defeated — Bad effects of his absence from the disaf- 
fected region — ^Letter from Washington — Morgan's reply — Termination of his military 
career — Is again a candidate for Congress — Is successful — Becomes unwell — Is repor- 
ted dead — Extract of a letter from Washington — The eventual army — Letter from 
Washington — Morgan becomes religious — Remarks on this fact — Anecdotes — The clos- 
ing scene — His death — His descendants — Concluaing remarks, 433 

Afpbmdix, 4f>'^ 



THE LIFE 



GENEEAL DAIIEL MORGAN 



CHAPTER I. 



The Ancestry, parentage, and early history of General Daniel Morgan— The impressions 
created by his first appearance in Virginia — His first employment — Superintends a mill 
— employed as a wagoner— Purchases a wagon and horses, and becomes a wagoner on 
his own account— His great and rapid improvement, physical and mental— Glance at the 
country and its population— He begins to attract notice— The opening of the seven years' 
war— Morgan engaged as a wagoner in the train of General Braddock— The army 
advances— The difficulties which it encounters in its march— Morgan fights and con- 
quers a noted pugilist— Braddock's defeat— The retreat to Fort Cumberland— Measures 
of defence taken by the Virginia Assembly— Morgan employed as a wagoner in the 
service of the colony. 

Regarding the ancestry, the parentage, and even the early 
history of General Daniel Morgan, but little is known. The 
writer deeply regrets the necessity, thus imposed upon him at 
the very outset of his labors, of disappointing, if not disgusting 
the reader : for generally, there is no part of a great man's 
career which is regarded with more interest than that with 
which it commences. But the deficiency should, and we feel 
assured will be, ascribed to the causes about to be stated, and 
not to any want of pains or perseverance on the part of the 

writer. 

17 



18 THELIFEOF 

The only source of information on these points was General 
Morgan himself. Yet for reasons which remain unexplained, he 
was studiously uncommunicative regarding them. When ques- 
tioned concerning his parents or family, or the days of his 
childhood, he either evaded a direct answer, or replied in a 
manner that put a stop to further inquiries of such a nature. It 
was only at rare intervals, and in the warmth of friendly conver- 
sation, that these subjects were broached by him, and then only 
incidentally. On such occasions he would hastily resume the 
main thread of his discourse, evincing, even to casual observation, 
that he had betrayed himself into an allusion to recollections 
that were either painful or disagreeable. To these occasional 
and involuntary revelations we are, therefore, indebted for every- 
thing that is known concerning him, previous to his first appear- 
ance in Virginia. 

>' General Morgan was of Welsh extraction. Between the years 
1'720 and 1*730, many emigrants from Wales arrived at Phila- 
delphia, and, proceeding thence up the Delaware, settled on its 
banks. Among those emigrants were his parents. He was 
frequently heard to declare that his father and mother were 
Welsh, and that they had emigrated to this country about the 
above-mentioned period.* It appears that after residing on the 
Pennsylvania side of the Delaware for a year or two, they 
removed to the opposite shore, in New Jersey, where they lived 
in a small clearing, cultivated by the father, until all trace of 
them is lost. What their circumstances were, how they lived, 
and when and where they died, are facts that were never 
revealed by General Morgan ; and, perhaps, after his removal to 
Virginia, remained unknown even to himself. Whether they 
had any children besides the subject of this notice, is a question 
equally involved in mystery .f He was never heard to speak of 

* MSS. of Dr. Hill. 

t A biographical sketch of General Morgan, published many years since, in a work, 
entitled, " The Glory of America," states that he had a brother. " On the northern fron- 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 19 

brothers or sisters, however; and the impression is, either that 
he never had any, or that having had either or both, they 
died before he had attained a distinguished position. 

In relation to the events and circumstances of his life, up to 
the period, when, in 1*753, and at the age of seventeen years, he 
made his first appearance in Virginia, he was equally reserved 
Rogers, in his Biographical Dictionary, and a few other writers, 
state that he was a native of Durham township, Bucks County, 
Pennsyslvania. All other authorities, however, including hia 
descendants, concur in assigning to New Jersey the honor of his 
birth, and it is believed, correctly so. He was born in Hunterdon 
County, in that State, in the winter of the year 1736. 

The details of the succeeding seventeen years of his life would 
furnish little to interest the reader, even were it in our power to 
give them. When first known in Virginia, it was but too evident 
that he had derived but little advantage from the teachings of 
the schoolmaster, for he could read but indiflferently, wrote a 
hand barely legible, and had but an imperfect knowledge of the 
fundamental rules of arithmetic. His manners were rude and 
unpolished, and his appearance and conversation did not dis- 
tinguish him from the humble order of men to which he seemingly 
belonged. From the time he was able to labor, he must have 
been kept actively employed by his father, in clearing land, split- 
ing fence rails, and in performing other tasks incidental to the 

tier of New Jersey," the writer goes on to say, "bis brother resided, whom he had not 
seen for many years, and who, he learned, was in extreme indigence. On his return from 
Saratoga, he left his troops a few days, and went twenty miles out of his way to see him. 
During this visit, he slept on the bare floor, his brother having but one bed in the house, 
which he refused to occupy on account of the indisposition of his sister-in-law. He offered 
his brother a good farm if he would remove with him into Virginia, which, from strong 
local attachment, his brother declined." We have looked around in vain for a confirma- 
tion of this story; and, all the circumstances being duly considered, we cannot accord 
to it our belief. It is much more probable that such an ofifer was made by a rich and 
generous brother, than that it was declined, for the reasons assigned, by a poor one. 
But if this statement is correct, the brother must have died soon afterward, or the fact 
of his existence would have become generally known, as was everything else in relation 
to General Morgan, subsequent to his brilliant exploits during the War of Independence. 



20 THELIFEOF 

improvement of a new farm. This was the only occupation he 
understood at that period, and in this only he sought employment. 
Everything regarding him, in fact, gave tokei! of the great dis- 
advantages which must have surrounded his boyhood.* 

The cause which resulted in his abandonmeni of the home of 
his parents, and his settlement in Western Virginia, was briefly 
stated by him to be a disagreement between his father and him- 
self. His departure was without the knowledge or consent of his 
parents. He travelled through Pennsylvania during the winter 
of 1*753, stopping for a few weeks at Carlisle, where he obtained 
some employment. In the spring of that y?ar he crossed into 
Virginia, and reached a small settlement in Berkeley County 
(since Jefterson), called Charleston. Here, soon after his arrival, 
he obtained employment from a Mr. Roberts, who cultivated a farm 
in the neighborhood., 

Young Morgan pl'oved to be very industriciis, and capable of 
performing a large amount of labor. The first task at which he 
was set was to grub a piece of ground in a rough, primitive state, 
for which he was to be paid by the acre. The work was done so 
much to the satisfaction of his employer, that he received a suc- 
cession of jobs of the same kind, and at length was engaged to 
superintend a saw-mill, which had just been erected by Mr. 
Roberts.f He was employed in this manner for the greater part 
of a year, when a Mr. Asliley, steward to Nathaniel Burwell, Esq., 
of Frederick County, otfered him a situation as a wagoner.J At 
this period, and for many years afterward, supplies for the region 
west of the Blue Ridge were transported in wagons, from Frede- 
ricksburg and the older settlements east of that range of moun- 
tains. The business of the wagoner had not then to contend with 
the rivalry of the steamboat and the railroad ; it was, in conse- 
quence, a profitable and an important one. TLc wages offered to 
Morgan by Mr. Ashley, were much better than those he had been 
receiving at the saw-mill. Besides, the business recommended itself 

• MSS. of Dr. HiU. t MS3. of Dr. Hill. $ Lee's Memoirs, 423. 



GENEKAL DANIEL MORGAN. 21 

to Morgan, as being less continuous and confining than tlie labor in 
which he had been up to that time engaged ; and moreover, it favored 
a design he had already formed, of becoming a wagoner on his own 
account, as soon dz he could command the means of purchasing a 
wagon and horses. He accordingly accepted the situation, and for 
about six months drove a wagon between the estate of Mr. Burwell, 
on the Shenandoah, and the principal market towns east of the moun- 
tains, lie was subsequently employed in the same capacity by 
John Ballantyne, Esq., the owner of a plantation on Opequon 
Creek.* 

A little more than two years had elapsed since Morgan arrived 
in Virginia, when his accumulated earnings enabled him to pur- 
chase a wagon and team. He now became a wagoner on his 
own account. IJuring this period, the favorable change which 
had taken place in his circumstances, was not more remarkable 
than that which his person and manners had experienced. The 
half-formed boy li-id developed into a man ; and one, too, of such 
proportions and vigor as are seldom to be met with, even in per- 
sons above twenty years of age. His mind had experienced a 
corresponding imurovement, and already displayed those qualities 
which seldom fail to confer on their possessor a distinction more 
or less marked, according to the circumstances by which he is 
surrounded. His strength and spirit, his frank and manly bear- 
ing, his intelligence and good-humor, set off by a rich fund of 
natural wit, which he kept in constant exercise, rendered him a 
favorite among the people, and contributed to give him a great 
influence over his associates. 

At this period, the settlements in this as in every other part of 
Virginia, west of .the Blue Ridge, were few and far between, 
thinly inhabited by a people who, for the most part, were as 
rough and uncultivated as the country they occupied. Winchester 
was a small settlement, and Berrysville was in the womb of time.f 
Beyond Winchester, in a westerly direction, the country was 

• MSS. of Dr. HilL t Sparks's Writings of Washington, vol. ii., pp. 151, 2. 



22 THELIFEOF 

uninhabited, save by the aborigines, and by a few pioneers, more 
than ordinarily adventurous and daring. The perils by which the 
inhabitants were surrounded, and the hardships and privations 
which they were occasionally called upon to endure, gave a dash 
of intrepidity and recklessness to their character, and made them 
regard courage and other soldier-like qualities as those entitled to 
the highest praise and honor. The habits and manners, feelings 
and impulses, of Morgan, harmonized with those of the people 
with whom he was then in association. He therefore not only 
assimilated readily with them, but soon became popular in their 
eyes. It was not long after this period, when his immense 
strength and indomitable spirit, qualifications which, above all 
others, captivate the humbler order of minds, gave him the undis- 
puted position of a leader among them.* 

Morgan was pursuing his occupation of a wagoner, when 
important events gave a new and advantageous turn to his ener- 
gies. 

The rival claims of Great Britain and France to the fertile 
regions west of the Alleghanies having been productive of blood- 
shed, were now about resulting in war. A short time before 
hostilities broke out. Captain Trent was obliged to surrender the 
fort he had established at the confluence of the Alleghany and 
Monongahela rivers. Subsequently, Col. Washington surprised 
the detachment of French under M. Jumonville; while he, in 
turn, was obliged to succomb to the French and Indians, at the 
Great Meadows.f Instances of savage incursion and murder had 
been of common occurrence. They now increased to such a fear- 
ful extent, as to threaten the depopulation of the country west of 
the Blue Ridge. The people of the provinces, and particularly 
those of Virginia, were in a state of great excitement ; and from 
New York to North Carolina, the preparations for war were 
everywhere observable — in the enlistment and organization of 

* MSS. of Dr. HiU. t Marshall's Washington (Second Edition), vol. i., pp. 4-6. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 23 

troops, and tlie collection of military stores, wagons, horses, (fee. 
General Braddock having been sent from England with a fine 
army for the conquest of the country west of the mountains, had 
arrived in the Potomac, and was awaiting the opening of the 
spring to commence operations.* 

/ The contemplated advance of so large an army through such 
an extent of wilderness, called for extensive means of transporta- 
tion, but it was with the greatest diflficulty, that the necessary sup- 
ply of horses and wagons could be obtained.f One so full of the 
spirit of a warrior as was Morgan, needed not ofters more tempt- 
ing than those which were made him to join the expedition with 
his wagon and horses. He relinquished his peaceful pursuits, and 
commenced his military career in the humble capacity of a 
teamster. 

The army under Braddock, consisting of two British regiments, 
with a train of artillery, and the necessary supplies of provisions 
and military stores, was put in motion early in April, and concen- 
trated at Fort Cumberland, the designated base of future ope- 
rations, about the middle of May .J Here it was joined by a pro- 
vincial force of about twelve hundred men, and a body of team- 
sters, camp-followers, &c., to the number of five hundred more. 
In the beginning of this month, Morgan proceeded to Fort 
Cumberland with a wagon-load of supplies; and there, with 
a large number of troops, regular and provincial, and teamsters, 
and others engaged in the service, awaited the arrival of the 
army. The object of the British general was the capture of Fort 
Duquesne ; and, to efiect this, he intended moving forward with- 
out delay..' But, from the want of a suflBcient number of wagons 
and horses to transport the artillery and supplies, it was found that 
an immediate advance was impracticable. After three weeks 
had been consumed in supplying this deficiency, the army was at 

♦Marshall's Washington (First Edition), vol. 1., p. 884. 

t Ibid, vol. i., p. 890. 

X Spark's Writings of Washington, vol. ii., p. 469. 



24 THELIFEOF 

length put in motion. But so slow and diflScult was the advance, 
that, uj^on reacliing the Little Meadows, it was found necessary to 
adopt new measures to expedite the progress of the army. A 
body of twelve hundred men, composed of the greater part of the 
regular forces, and several companies of provincial troops, com- 
manded by Braddock in person, was accordingly pushed forward. 
The remainder of the army, having in charge the artillery, bag- 
gage, and supplies, was left under the command of Colonel Dun- 
bar, who had orders to follow the advance by easy marches.* 

The first division moved from the camp at Little ^Meadows 
on the 19th of June, leaving Colonel Dunbar and his command at 
that place. With the latter, the nature of Morgan's duty com- 
pelled him to remain. The country through which they had to 
advance was rugged and uneven, and the road was intersected by 
swamps and creeks ; they consequently moved forward but very 
slowly. The horses at length became so fatigued as to threaten a 
stop to further progress. Among the expedients resorted to, for 
the purpose of accelerating the advance, one was to detach from 
one-half of the wagons and artillery-carriages the horses belonging 
to them, and attaching double teams to the rest, to move forward 
in this manner for half a mile or so. The horses were then 
brouo'ht back, and attached to the remainder of the bao-srao-e- 
train, when they again moved in advance of that already thrown 
forward. 

It was during this march that the circumstances occurred which 
are related in the following anecdote. A difficulty arose between 
the captain of a company of Virginia troops (to which Morgan 
was attached in his capacity of wagoner, his wagon being laden 
with their baggage), and a powerful fellow who accompanied 
the army, and who had the reputation of being a skilful pugilist, 
and a bully. It was agreed between the disputants that upon the 
first halt the matter should be settled by a fight. As soon as the 

♦ Marshall's Washington, vol. i., p. 391. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 25 

company halted for dinner, the captain stepped out to meet 
his antagonist, when he was accosted by Morgan — 

" Captain," said he, " you must not fight that man." 

" Why not ?" inquired the officer. 

" Because," replied Morgan, " you are our captain, and if the 
fellow was to lick you, we should be all disgraced. But, I 
will fight him, and if he licks me, it will not hurt the credil of the 
company." 

The captain remonstrated ; but disliking the necessity of placing 
himself on a level with a blackguard, and perceiving that his 
antagonist was perfectly willing to accede to the arrangement, he 
consented. Morgan, stripping himself, at once engaged the bully, 
and in a very short space of time, gave him so severe a beating 
that he was unable to rise from the ground. The prowess 
displayed by one so young, against a man of mature years 
and vigorous frame, and who, moreover, was celebrated as a pugi- 
list, gave Morgan high consideration among his associates. 

Fjom the 19th of June, the day on which Braddock moved for- 
ward with the advance, until the 10th of July, the troops under 
Colonel Dunbar followed slowly and with great difficulty. On the 
evening of the 10th, while lying encamped at a point about seven 
miles west of the Great Meadows, the disastrous news of Brad- 
dock's defeat reached them. During the succeeding two days, 
fragments of the discomfited detachments continued to arrive^ 
and soon the contagion of their fears spread through the camp. 
Numbers of the provincial troops immediately turned back 
towards home ; and many of the wagoners, after disencumbering 
their wagons, drove oflf to the settlements, leaving the helpless 
sick and wounded to escape, as they best could, the savage 
enemy, who, it was supposed, were in hot pursuit* 

On the morning of the 12th of July, General Braddock was 
brought into the camp upon a litter. An order was soon after 



* Sparks's Writings of Washtigton, vol. 11., p. 86. 

2 



26 THELIFEOF 

given to retreat to Fort Cumberland; and on the 13th, the artil- 
lery, stores, baggage, &c., having been destroye(^, the wagons 
remaining, among which Morgan's was includech-were filled with 
the sick and wounded, and started in that direction. The troops 
under Colonel Dunbar remained on the ground until the next 
day, in order to check the expected pursuit of the French 
and Indians, and to await the arrival of such of the fugitives as 
were stil] behind unhurt. During the night of the 13th, and 
when the retreating forces were within a mile of the Great 
Meadows, General Braddock expired.* He was buried in the 
middle of the road, to prevent the discovery of his body by the 
Indians. Morgan's wagon drove over the grave, as did all the 
wagons which followed him on the route to Cumberland. On 
the iVth, the sick and wounded, with the fugitives, arrived 
at Cumberland. Colonel Dunbar, with the remainder of the 
army, also, soon after, reached that place. 

The news of the disastrous result of Braddock's campaign w^as 
received throughout the British provinces with the greatest asto- 
nishment. On the frontiers of Pennsylvania and Virginia, it 
created the liveliest apprehensions. The fears of the inhabitants 
of those exposed situations, that the enemy would profit by their 
successes, and renew their robbing and murdering incursions, 
were speedily realized. The exigencies of the case required 
the application of all the means of resistance which the British 
oflBcers, or the colonial authorities, could command. But, Colonel 
Dunbar, notwithstanding the defenceless state of the frontier, and 
the expected advance of the enemy, soon after put his troops in 
motion for Philadelphia, where they went into winter quar- 
ters.f 

The government of Virginia met the emergency with prompti- 
tude and vigor. It authorized an additional regiment of sixteen 
companies to be immediately raised, and appoiiited Washington as 

*MSS. ofDr. HiU. 

t Marshall's Washington, vol. i., p. 895. 



GENEEAI-, DANIEL MORGAN. 21 

its commander. One of the minor consequences of this and 
other measures, having in view the defence of the Virginia fron- 
tier, was the continuance of Morgan in the service of the colony. 
He, with his wagon and team, was attached to the quarter-mas- 
ter's department, ^^ 



28 THELIFEOF 



CHAPTER II. 

Morgan is engaged in transporting supplies — Tlie attack of a band of Indians repulsed— 
He strikes an officer, and receives five hundred lashes — Anecdote — Inroad of the 
French and Indians — Surprise and destruction of Captain Mercer and his command — 
Morgan joins a body of militia sent to reinforce the garrison at Edward's fort — In an 
attacli upon the fort, Morgan distinguishes himself — Receives commission as ensign — 
Falls into an ambuscade, is desperately wounded, but escapes — Remarks upon his char- 
acter, habits, &c. — The meetings at Berry's tavern — His fights with Bill Davis — Anec- 
dote — Morgan marries— Establishes himself at " Soldiers' Rest" — Pontiac's war — Mor- 
gan takes the field, and advances to Fort Cumberland — At the close of the war, returns 
home — His daughters — His moral and intellectual improvement — Is commissioned a 
captain. 

During the eight years which succeeded the defeat of Brad- 
dock, we have only occasional glimpses of Morgan's career. This 
is unfortunate, for the period was full of terrible incidents, a 
knowledge of his participation in which, it is believed, would fur- 
nish us with instances of heroism as brilliant as those which 
afterwards rendered him famous. There is no doubt of the fact, 
however, that he shared in nearly all the principal military 
events of the war, and that he was frequently a member of the 
small parties of woodsmen which so often went in pursuit of pre- 
datory bands of the French and Indians. Such of these, and other 
remarkable events of his life during this period as have survived 
the wear of time, will now be given. 

During the fall of 1755, and the winter and spring of the suc- 
ceeding year, Morgan was engaged in trai^-sporting supplies to the 
troops which were i^osted at various points along the Virginia 
frontier. In the performance of this duty, he was constantly sub- 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 29 

jected to the greatest danger from the lurking foe ; and on two 
or three occasions, narrowly escaped being killed. On one of 
these, he contributed so essentially to the repulse of a band of 
Indians, who waylaid the small party which accompanied him 
and some other wagoners, on the road from Fort Cumberland to 
Winchester, as to have accorded to him the credit of the victory. 
^ In the spring of 1756, he was sent with a wagon-load of stores 
to Fort Chiswell, one of the posts which had been established along 
the Virginian frontier, and situated on the head waters of New 
River. While at this place, a terrible disaster befell him. A 
British lieutenant, taking offence at something which Morgan had 
said or done, abused him in violent terms, and at length struck 
him with the flat of his sword. Morgan's indomitable spirit could 
not brook this outrage. Forthwith clenching his fist, he struck 
the officer so heavy a blow as to extend him senseless on the 
ground. This was regarded as an offence so grave against military 
law, as to call for summary and exemplary punishment. A drum- 
head court-martial sentenced Morgan to receive five hundred 
lashes. Being immediately stripped and tied up, he received all at 
once the allotted number of lashes, save one. When the terrible 
punishment was over, it is said that the flesh on his back hung 
down in tags.* None but one possessing unusual powers of 
endurance, and an iron constitution, could have survived an act 
of cruelty so extraordinary, even in the British army of that day. 
But he soon recovered from its effects. The officer, sensible upon 
reflection that he had been in the wrong, and regretting the con- 
sequences which had followed, afterwards made Morgan a public 
apology. This was a slight atonement for so deep an injury ; yet 
it was deemed sufficient by Morgan, who, from that moment, mag- 
nanimously discharged his mind of all resentment towards the 
author of his sufferings and disgrace. 

In the summer of 1790, at Old Fort Chiswell, the tavern-keeper 
fit that place pointed out to our informantf the white oak tree 

* MSS of Dr. EiU. t MSS. of Dr. Hill. 



30 THELIFEOF 

to wliicli Morgan was tied when lie received this unmerciful 
lashing. 

In after life, and when among his friends, Morgan frequently- 
alluded to this event ; but seldom without humorously remarking 
that there was one lash of his sentence remaining unpaid. As an 
instance of this kind, the following anecdote is related of him, 
when, in after years, he was confined by his last illness to his bed. 
"Uix>n one occasion," says our informant,* "while assisting in 
changing his linen, I discovered his back to be covered with 
scars and ridges from the shoulders to the waist. , * General,' said 
I, * what has been the matter with your back V * Ah !' replied ho, 
* that is the doings of old King George. While I was in his ser- 
vice, upon a certain occasion, he promised to give me five hundred 
lashes. But he failed in his promise, and gave me but four hun- 
dred and ninety-nine ; so he has been owing me one lash ever since. 
"While the drummer was laying them on my back, I heard him 
miscount one. I was counting after him at the time. I did not 
think it worth while to tell him of his mistake, and let it go so I' '' 

During the spring and summer of 1757, the French and 
Indians, descending in great numbers into the country east of the 
mountains, and penetrating to the base of the Blue Ridge, spread 
death and destruction among the intermediate settlements. All 
the minor forts were attacked, and even forts Cumberland and 
Loudon were menaced. Among other disasters which befell the 
Virginians during this period, was the surprise and destruction of 
Captain Mercer and thirty-six of his men, by a large body of 
French and Indians. This oflScer, with fifty men, garrisoned 
Edward's fort, a post situated on the south side of the Cacapehon 
river, and at a point about twenty miles northwest of Winchester. 
A large body of French and Indians having committed several 
murders in the vicinity of the fort, Captain Mercer, at the head 
of the greater part of his garrison, sallied out in pursuit of the 
enemy. The latter, anticipating this step, scattered meal along 

* Dr. HiU, 



GENERAL DANIEL MOEGAN. 31 

the line of their retreat, and adopted other expedients to draw 
their pursuers into the ambuscade which was subsequently pre- 
pared for them, under the abrupt bank of a small stream. Mer- 
cer's men were passing the fatal spot, when the Indians opened a 
destructive fire upon them, sixteen falling dead at the first dis- 
charge. The others, attempting to save themselves by flight, 
were pursued and slaughtered in every direction, until, out of 
forty men, but six reached the fort in safety.* 

Edward's fort forming an important link in the chain of fron- 
tier defences, it was necessary to supply without delay the loss 
which its garrison had sustained in the late disastrous aff'air. All 
the troops at Winchester at this time were about fifty recruits, who 
formed the garrison of Fort Loudon. None of these could be 
spared, for even that important post was menaced by the enemy. 
In this emergency, the militia were called out.f Among the rest 
who promptly obeyed the call, was Morgan. With about fifty 
others, he marched to Edward's fort, and remained there for some 
time. 

This is the first occasion that we have any knowledge of, on 
which Morgan appeared in the ranks of an army. What his 
position was in the garrison is unknown. It is believed, however, 
to have been one of command. 

A short time after his arrival at Edward's fort, it was attacked 
by a formidable body of French and Indians. On the morning 
of the second day after the fort was invested, the enemy made a 
sudden and furious assault upon the works. But chiefly owing 
to the brave example set the garrison by Morgan, who, it is said, 
killed four of the savages in as many minutes, they repulsed their 
assailants with great slaughter. As the latter were seen retiring, 
Morgan shouted out at the height of his powerful voice, '' Let us 
follow the red devils !" The garrison sallied forth as one man, and 
soon overtook the retreating foe. After a short, but desperate 

* Kercheval's History of Virginia, p. 146. 

t Sparks's Writings of Washington, vol. ii., p. 1^. 



S2 THELIFEOF 

conflict, the Indians fled in every direction, leaving a large num 
ber of their killed and wounded on the field. 

The courage and prowess, as well as the judgment and presence 
of mind which Morgan displayed on this occasion, attracted 
general notice, and won him the meed of universal applause. He 
was no longer the obscure and unobserved wagoner or militia man, 
but was regarded as one who had given unequivocal proofs of his 
fitness to command. He was now fairly on the road to dis- 
tinction. His acquaintance with Washington commenced about 
this time, and was one of the consequences of his meritorious 
conduct. 

In the spring of iVoS, great preparations were made for the 
campaign which resulted in the evacuation of Fort Duquesne, the 
expulsion of the French from the valley of the Ohio, and the 
extortion of a temporary peace from their Indian auxiliaries. The 
Provincial Government exerted itself in raisino^ and ora'anizino- 
troops, and in otherwise aiding the efi'orts of the commander of 
the British forces-," General Forbes.* The soldiery qualities which 
Morgan had so frequently exhibited, caused him to be recom- 
mended to the governor by several of the leading men of West- 
ern Virginia, for a captaincy. But from that perversity of dis- 
position which seems to have constantly influenced, if not con- 
trolled. Governor Dinwiddle's ofiBcial conduct, he refused the soli- 
cited promotion. Notwithstanding it was represented to the 
governor, that Morgan, besides his high military qualifications 
possessed great influence among the people iu Frederick, and the 
adjoining counties, and that his advancement to a captaincy 
would have the eff"ect of swelling the ranks of the Provincial 
troops ; all that could be obtained for him was an ensign's com- 
mission. This he accepted ; and in the capacity of an ensign, he 
was stationed, first, at Edward's fort, and afterwards at other 
forts on the western frontier of Virginia. It was while engaged 
in this way that an event occurred, which nearly cost him his 

* Marshall's Life, vol. i., pp. 438-441. 



GENEEAL DANIEL MORGAN. 33 

life, and suspended for a time his military career. The details 
are as follows : — 

He was sent with an escort of two soldiers from one of these 
forts, with dispatches to the commanding ojScer at Winchester, 
About a mile from the place where this fort formerly stood, is a 
remarkable precipice called the Hanging Rock. A part of the 
road, along which Morgan and his companions had to travel, lay- 
between the fort and this precipice, and the margin of a water- 
course, leaving an intervening space, just wide enough for a man 
to pass. The place was rendered memorable from being the scene, 
years before, of a terrible encounter between contending parties 
of Catawba and Delaware Indians, and was admirably adapted 
for an ambuscade. For this purpose it appears to have been 
selected by a party of Indians and a few Frenchmen, who wero 
then prowling about, seeking an opportunity for plunder and 
slaughter. Fully aware of the vicinity of the fort, they were not 
disapointed in their expectations of surprising some party going 
to, or coming from it. The enemy hid themselves among the 
rocks above the road, and lay quietly until Morgan and his escort 
came under them, when, taking deliberate aim, they fired, 
killing the escort, and desperately wounding Morgan himself. 
The men fell instantly from their horses, which the Indians had 
taken care not to injure. The ball which struck Morgan entered in 
at the back of the neck, grazing the left side of the neck-bone ; 
then passing through into the mouth, near the socket of the jaw 
bone, came out through the left cheek. In its passage, the ball 
knocked out all of the teeth on the left side, without, however, 
otherwise materially injuring the jaw. Although terribly 
wounded, Morgan kept his seat. The blood ran in a stream from 
the fearful wound, and he became helplessly weak ; yet he pre- 
served his senses until he had secured himself from further harm. 
The animal upon which he was mounted, a fine young filley, was 
so frightened by the unexpected discharge, that for a few moments 
she stood motionless, as if spellbound. At length, leaning fop 

2* 



34: THELIFEOF 

ward, and grasping her neck with his arms, he urged her into 
motion. Fortunately for her rider, she took the direction 
back to the fort. The Indians, supposing him to be mortally 
wounded, left him to be followed by one of their party only, and 
turned to scalp the two who had fallen, and to catch their horses. 
Morgan, in the mean time, feeling certain that he had but a short 
time to live, was only anxious to get beyond the reach of his pur- 
suers, before he died, that he might prevent his body from being 
mangled. He urged on his mare with his heels, and the noble 
animal, putting forth her utmost strength, bore him beyond the 
reach of the Indian, never slackening her speed until she reached 
the fort. 

The late Morgan Neville, Esq. (a grandson of Morgan), in a 
biographical sketch of the general, written by him, remarks on 
this fortunate escape as follows : — 

" I well remember, when a boy, to have heard General Mor- 
gan describe, in his own powerful and graphic style, the expression 
of the Indian's face, as he ran with open mouth and tomahawk in 
iiaiiu, .-y the side of the horse, expecting every moment to see 
his victim fall. But when the panting savage found the horse 
was fast leaving him behind, he threw his tomahawk, without 
effect, and abandoned the pursuit with a yell of disappoint- 
ment." 

Morgan was taken from his horse perfectly insensible. For a 
long time his case was a critical one ; but with care and judicious 
treatment, he recovered, after a confinement of more tllan six 
months. It may be remarked here, that notwithstanding the 
numberless perils which he encountered, as well before as after 
this event, during his long and active military career, this was the 
only wound he ever received. 

Morgan was now about twenty-three years of age. His appear- 
ance at this time was remarkably imposing, and indicative of 
great strength and activity. In height he was upwarde of six feet ; 
his form was symmetrically put together, muscular and massive ; 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 35 

and, although unencumbered with an ounce of superfluous flesh, he 
weighed nearly two hundred pounds. Upon his return to Frede- 
rick, he renewed his intimacy with his old associates. His fine 
military appearance, no less than his courage, and the general 
manliness of his conduct, gave him a high position among them ; 
while the superior traits of character he displayed, and the suff"er- 
ings he had so manfully endured, secured him the regard and 
sympathy of a better class of people. 

But his morals had suffered by the life he had been leading. 
His associates in the army had not been of the best description, 
and his habits had consequently experienced a change for the 
worse. Card-playing is a common refuge of the soldier from the 
tedium of inaction ; and, in those days, many, even of the higher 
rank of military oflScers, furnished indifferent examples of sobriety 
to the men in the ranks. Morgan had become addicted to drink- 
ing and gaming. But his strength of constitution enabled him to 
bear excess in liquor, without appearing intoxicated: indeed, 
in such a state he was seldom or never seen. He thus escaped 
being regarded as a drunkard. His skill as a gamester had 
the effect of increasing, rather than of diminishing, his resources. 
These and kindred habits, necessarily threw him into the company 
of the very worst description of people, and led him, besides, into 
numberless broils and difficulties. 

Yet, although for a time addicted to habits of the most demo- 
ralizing character, and which generally lead their victims to 
destruction, the judgment and prudence which ever stood forth 
prominently in his character, prevented them from exercising 
more than a limited control over him. He was still indu?trious 
and saving. He longed to be above a condition of dependence ; 
and, even amid the wild orgies which filled up so large a portion 
of his time, he never lost sight of this laudable ambition. 

When we duly consider the times in which he lived, the looise 
code of morals which then prevailed, and the unfavorable circum- 
.stances which had, from his boyhood, surrounded him, much ma^ 



36 THELIFEOF 

be educed in extenuation of his faults. These, his after life 
triumphantly proved to be fortuitous deviations from the walks 
in life which his unbiased inclinations prompted him to follow. 
But it must be admitted that his conduct at this period furnished 
anything but a presage of the distinction which he was yet 
to achieve. Would that we could draw a veil over this portion 
of his life, without at the same time doing violence to truth and 
justice. 

It was the custom at this time for all the athletic young men 
who resided in the country, between Winchester and the Shenan- 
doah river, to assemble every Saturday afternoon, at a tavern, 
about midway between the river and the town, kept by a 
man named Benjamin Berry. Here they boxed, wrestled, and 
practised other athletic exercises during the daylight, while drink- 
ing and gaming generally occupied the night. Morgan was 
a constant attendant at these meetings, and in trials of strength 
and agility, almost invariably carried off the palm of superiority 
from his competitors. These exercises, though always commenced 
in a friendly spirit, would sometimes produce angry feelings, and 
end in a fight. Morgan's superior vigor drew on him the envy 
and ill-will of many whose pride he had humbled in this way ; and 
his fiery disposition bursting into flame on suflScient provocation, 
he had his full share of serious encounters.* 

In the mountain, on the east side of the river Shenandoah, 
resided three or four brothers by the name of Davis, all of whom 
were men of extraordinary size and bodily strength. One of 
these, Bill Davis, as he was called, was the strongest and most 
active of them all. He was reputed to be the champion of 
the neighborhood ; and he and his brothers kept the whole coun- 
try around in awe of them. It happened, at one of the Saturday 
evening gatherings at Berry's tavern, that Morgan had a difference 
with this champion Bill Davis, which produced a tremendous fight 
between them. Morgan, in speaking of this battle many years 

♦MSS. ofDr. Hill. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 37 

afterwards, acknowledged it as his belief that Davis surpassed him 
in strength, but that he made up for this deficiency in superior 
dexterity, tact, and management. After a long and terrible fight, 
Davis was obliged to yield, and Morgan, amid the triumphant 
shouts of his friends, was proclaimed the conqueror. This event 
was a source of great joy to the neighboi-hood. While it gratified 
the resentment of those whose pride had been humbled by the 
Davises, it added much to Morgan's popularity and reputation.* 

Under the chagrin of this defeat. Bill Davis threatened ven- 
geance, and announced his intention of trying conclusions with 
Morgan again. Afraid, however, to venture on this experiment 
single-handed, he induced his brothers, and a few other moun- 
taineer bullies, to the number of half a dozen or more, to unite 
with him for the purpose of taking possession of the play -ground 
at the tavern, and of drivinof Moro^an and his friends from 
the premises. Morgan, being apprised of this design, selected 
from among the latter an equal number of the stoutest men 
he could find, when he repaired with them to the tavern, and 
awaited the arrival of his foes. Soon Davis and his friends 
appeared, and a severe battle ensued, which resulted in the 
discomfiture of the assailants. For a year or so afterwards, these 
factions contended with each other; and, before the contest 
ended, many a fierce and protracted battle was fought between 
them. Chiefly through the skill and management of Morgan, if 
not from his courage and strength, and his superiority as a 
pugilist, his party always came oflf the conquerors. They finally 
drove the Davises and their friends from the tavern, and kept the 
play-ground to themselves.f 

This tavern was situated at a place about ten miles east of 
Winchester, and six miles west of the Shenandoah river. Around 
the spot has since sprung up a thriving village, which is popu- 
larly known as Battletown — a name it derived from its site being 

* MSS. of Dr. HUl. t MSS. of Dr. HiU. 



38 THELIFEOF 

the scene of those numerous encounters to which we have just 
adverted. The present inhabitants are, it is said, very anxious to 
have the place called by its prQper name, Berrysville, a name which 
was given to it by Mr. Berry, the proprietor of the tavern, and 
the former owner of a part of the land on which it is built. It is, 
nevertheless, called Battletown by everybody in that part of the 
country, excepting the inhabitants of the village themselves.* 

In connection with the account just given of Morgan's fight 
with Bill Davis, the following little anecdote, communicated 
to the writer by Dr. Wm. Hill, who attended and nursed Morgan 
during the closing scene of his life, may appropriately be 
introduced here : " While helping the general out of his bed," 
observes Mr. Hill, " I discovered one of his toes lying upon the 
top of his foot. ' General, what is the matter with this toe of 
yours V I inquired. ' I got that many years ago,' he replied, ' in 
a fight I had with Bill Davis, and in kicking him, at Battletown. 
I broke that toe, then, and I never could get it to lie in its right 
place since.' " 

This was certainly the most unfavorable and unpromising epoch 
of Morgan's life. The dearth of particulars regarding it is the 
less to be regretted, from the belief that were it otherwise, an 
unpleasant duty would devolve on his biographer. We may con- 
fidentially say, however, that his faults were those of an impru- 
dent, and not of a vicious disposition. They were the results, not 
of an innate depravity of heart, but of a defective education, ana 
bad associations, operating on a mind as yet unformed, and preg- 
nant with the wildest impulses. 

Happily, as he advanced in years, he became more and more 
sensible of the impropriety and folly of his conduct. Before he 



* Berrysville is now the county seat of Clark County, It was established, Jan. 8, 1798, 
on twenty acres of land, belonging to Benjamin Berry and Sarah Strebling, and tiie fol- 
lowing gentlemen appointed trustees: Daniel Morgan, Wm. McGuire, Archibald McGill, 
Rawleigh Colston, John Milton, Thos. ^trebling, Geo. Blackmore, Chas. Smith, and Bush- 
rod Taylor. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 39 

attained his twenty-seventh year, he had gradually reformed his 
habits, and adopted a discreet and orderly way of living. 

How far this gratifying change was contributed to, by the great 
master-passion. Love, it would be difficult to say. Certain it is, 
however, that about this time he became enamored with a young 
and lovely woman, named Abigail Bailey, who soon afterwards 
became his wife. 

Mrs. Morgan, like her husband, was indebted for the distinction 
that attended her after life, to none of those considerations which 
the admirers of high connections and a remote ancestry always 
include in their estimates of personal worth and respectability. 
She was the daughter of poor parents, who resided on a small 
farm in Berkeley County, and who cultivated the soil for a sub- 
sistence. Like thousands of the matrons of those days, the 
mothers of our heroes, sages, and statesmen, the circumstances of 
the times and of the country denied her the advantages of an 
education. She possessed a person and mind that were formed 
by nature to adorn the most brilliant circle of beauty and talent; 
and what is of greater consequence, her heart was full of every 
virtuous and elevating principle. Long before the period when 
the fortunes of her husband gave them both a position in the 
first rank of society, her susceptibility of improvement was 
evinced in the lady-like ease and grace which sh^ited acquired, 
and the good sense, not to say elegance, whj^ih^er conversation 
displayed. ^ ** ' 

Some time before his marriage, Morgan purchased from a Mr. 
Morton, a handsome two-story dwelling, and a valuable piece of 
land, situated at a short distance from Berry's tavern, which he 
named " Soldier's Rest." Here, with his wife, he established 
himself, and commenced his domestic career. 

Shortly after Morgan's marriage and settlement at " Soldier's 
Rest," peace was concluded between the French and English 
jjovernments. This event was almost immediately followed bj 



4:0 THELIFEOF 

tlie combined and terribly onslaught on the forts and the inhabi- 
tants alona: the whole Western frontier, from the Lakes to North 
Carolina, rendered memorable as Pontiac's War. To give any- 
thing like an adequate idea of the fearful ravages which were 
committed by the Indians on this occasion, would occupy a space 
greater than can be spared to events which are fully detailed in 
history, and which have but a partial relation to the subject of 
this work. The surprise and massacre of the settlements at 
Muddy Creek, and Big Levels, aroused the Governor and Council 
of Virginia to the necessity of prompt measures of defence, if 
they would save the region west of the Blue Ridge from being laid 
waste and depopulated. One thousand of the militia were, accord- 
ingly, called into service, in aid of the regular forces already on 
the frontier.* Of these, five hundred were draughted from the 
Northwestern counties, and placed under the command of Colonel 
Stevens. Morgan took the field on this occasion, and held the 
post lof lieutenant in one of the companies of this regiment. 

A short time after the organization of this body of men, 
Colonel Stevens advanced a number of small detachments in sup- 
port of those points which most needed defence. It was found, 
however, that the savage enemy had suddenly decamped. This 
unexpected and unaccountable movement was subsequently 
explained by the fierce and protracted attack which was made by 
the Indians on the forces under Colonel Bouquet, while on their 
march to Fort Pitt. This officer was dispatched, with five hun- 
dred men and a supply of military stores, for the relief of that 
fort. The Indians, on hearing of his march, concentrated from 
every quarter, in the hope of surprising and destroying him. They 
attacked his troops, on the 5th of August, in a. defile near the 
head waters of Turtle Creek. But after a bloody encounter, 
which lasted the greater part of one day and the morning of the 
next, Colonel Bouquet practised a stratagem which secured him 

♦ Sparks's Writings of Washington, vol. ii, p. 841. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 41 

the victory.* He was then permitted to proceed to Fort Pitt 
without further molestation. On finding that the Indians had 
disappeared, Colonel Stevens, suspecting some such design as that 
which they had in view, advanced to Fort Cumberland with two 
hundred and fifty of his command. The remainder were stationed 
in the vicinity of "Winchester. Morgan, with a detachment from 
this latter force, was posted for some weeks at a place since 
known as Pugh's Town.- But after the defeat sustained by the 
Indians in their encounter with Colonel Bouquet, they did not 
give the militia an opportunity of engaging them, but soon after 
retired to their towns, north and west of the Ohio. The subse- 
quent advance into their country of General Bradstreet and 
Colonel Bouquet, forced them to conclude a peace, the terms of 
which were afterwards arranged at the " Treaty of the German 
Flats." The militia were accordingly disbanded, and Morgan 
returned to his home. 

Here, with his wife, and the two daughters with which she 
subsequently presented him, he passed the succeeding nine years in 
domestic pursuits. A life of this kind seldom affords many inte- 
resting incidents, nor does it tend to develop distinguishing 
traits of character. During this period he was diligently employed 
in the cultivation of his farm, and the extension of its limits, and 
in adding the usual appurtenances of a complete country residence. 
He paid considerable attention to the raising of stock, in whicli 
he was very successful. By his military grants for the services he 
had rendered during the previous wars, he had acquired a con- 
siderable quantity of valuable land. The result of all this was, 
that about the year 1771, his resources were very much increased, 
and he began to be regarded among his neighbors as a man of 
substance. He had long since abandoned his former loose asso- 
ciates, and was now exclusively the companion of the worthy and 
intelligent Mrs. Morgan, who was a very pious lady, and exercised 
a happy influence over him. There is no doubt that she contribu 

* Sparks'8 Writings of Washington, vol. ii, p. 334. 



42 THELIFEOF 

ted largely to the amendment which his manners and morals dis- 
played about this period.* 

Morgan's mind had in the meantime experienced a correspond- 
ing improveme:at. For some time previously, and during his after 
life, his leisure hours were chiefly occupied in reading, and in 
otherwise improving his defective education. He took a lively 
interest in public affairs, and his discussions on this subject indi- 
cated an independent mind and a sound judgment. On those 
vital questions, which already arrayed the people against their 
rulers, and which eventually set the ball of revolution in motion, 
the opinions he held and avowed were equally indicative of the 
freeman and the patriot. 

Their two daughters profited by the pious training of the 
fliother, and the solicitude of the father for their education. 
N'one are so conscious of the advantages of mental culture as 
those who experience the daily mortifications arising from a want 
of it. The children of such people are generally as well educated 
as the means of their parents will admit. 

Between the years 1764 and 17*74, w^e have but one incident 
of a military nature to record, having reference to the subject of 
this work. In the year 1771, he received a commissionf from 
Wm. Nelson, Esq., the acting Governor of Virginia at the time, as 
Captain of the militia of Frederick County. 

* MSS. of Dr. HUl. 

t WILLIAM NKLSON, ESQ., PRESIDENT OF HIS MAJESTY'S COUNCIL, AND COMMANDER IN CHIEF OP 
THE COLONY AND DOMINION OF VIRGINIA, 

To Daniel Morgan, Gent, 

By virtue of the power and authority to me given, as President of His Majesty's 
Council, and Commander in Chief in and over this Colony and Dominion of Virginia, with 
full power and authority to appoint officers, both civil and military, within the same, I, 
reposing especial trust in your loyalty, courage, and good conduct, do, by these presents, 
appoint you, the said Daniel Morgan, Captain of the militia of the county of Frederick, 
whereof Adam Stephen, Esq., is Lieutenant and Chief Commander: You are therefore to 
act as Captain, by duly exercising the officers and soldiers under your command, taking 
particular care that they be provided with arms and ammunition, as the laws of the colony 
direct; and you are to observe and foUow such orders and directions from time to time, 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 43 

as you shall receive from me, or any other superior oflBcers, according to the rules and 
discipline of war, in pursuance of the trust reposed in you. 

Given at Williamsburgh, under my hand, and the seal of the Colony, 
this fourth , and in the eleventh year of His Majesty's reign. 

Anno Donini, 1771. 

"WniiAM Nelson. 

'^ ^ 

c^ SEAL )^ 
°^ » 



4-^ THE LIFE OI- 



CHAPTER ni. 

Increase of population and resources of the Virginia Valley— Dissatisfaction of the Indians 
at the encroachments of the whites— The murder of Indians— Preparations for war — 
The expedition to the Wappatomica towns, under Major McDonald— Morgan commands 
a company therein— After destroying the towns, corn, Ac, McDonald retreats— Con- 
flict with the Indians on the march— Arrival at Wheeling of Lord Dunmore with the 
northern division of the army— Is joined by Morgan— The army advances towards the 
Siiawanese towns — Battle of the Point — Morgan marches with a detachment under 
Major Crawford, and destroys the hostile towns — Peace concluded with the Indians — 
Evei^ts preliminary to the Revolutionary struggle — Pledge of the troops to support the 
Bostonians in the event of hostilities — The war commenced— Morgan commissioned a 
captain of riflemen — Raises a company and marches to Boston — Joins a detachment 
commanded by Arnold, about starting on a secret expedition. 

For several years after the termination of Pontiac's War, 
but little occurred, in the Valley of Virginia, at least, to check 
or interrupt the advancement of the peaceful arts, or to call into 
action the arms of the province. The chief features of the times, 
and of those which followed, in this quarter, until the commence- 
ment of what has been called "Lord Dunmore's War," were, 
the rapid increase of the population and resources of the country ; 
the immense tide of emigration which flowed thither, and to the 
region beyond, as far even as the banks of the Ohio river ; and 
the rage for speculating in public lands. These circumstances 
were regarded by the Indians with undisguised dissatisfaction; 
they had already caused much bloodshed in Kentucky; and it 
was easy to perceive that sooner or later, they must produce simi- 
lar results in Virginia. 

The crisis at length arrived. Under wppreliension (whether 
real or feigned is still a question in di?vv3-»^- v'U«ci |;h# ludi^u* 



GENERAL DANIEL MOKGA^N. 45 

were about commencing a general massacv. of the frontier 
inhabitants, a party of land speculators, headed by Captain 
Michael Cresap, shot two Indians, while the latter were descend- 
inof the Ohio in a canoe, a few miles above Wheelinsf. The same 
party, learning on their return that a number of Indians were 
encamped at Captina Creek, a small stream which emptied into 
the Ohio, a short distance below Wheeling, at once proceeded 
thither, and killed and wounded several of the band. But the 
crowning act of atrocity was yet to be perpetrated. A party of 
thirty- two men, headed by a man named Daniel Greathouse, pro- 
ceeded to an Indian camp, near Yellow Creek, and under circum- 
stances of the grossest treachery, murdered all the Indians that 
could be decoyed across the stream from their camp, by the 
temptation of liquor. The murders perpetrated at Captina and 
Yellow Creeks, included the whole family of the generous and 
unfortunate Chief Logan, who became famous in the war which 
followed.* 

Hostilities immediately commenced. The Shawanese were the 
first to take up the hatchet ; they were soon after joined by the 
warriors of the Northern and Western tribes. Most of the traders 
and white men who were found within the Indian territory were 
murdered ; and all the innocent families on the frontier, from the 
sources of the Monongahela to the Kanhawa, were obliged to flee 
towards the mountains or to the forts, to escape the general 
massacre. 

Intelligence of these disastrous events reaching Williamsburg, 
Lord Dunmore at once took measures for the difence of the fron- 
tier, and the invasion of the Indian country west of the Ohio. 
He issued orders for the organization of a large force from among 
the inhabitants of the Northern counties west of Blue Ridge, to 
be led by himself in person. General Andrew Lewis was ordered 
to raise four regiments of volunteers and militia from the South- 

* American Pioneer, vol. 5, p. 8, Doddridge's Notes, pp. 22&— 229. Butler'sHistory of 
Kentucky, pp. 53, 54. 



46 THELIFEOF 

western counties. While these forces were in process of organi- 
zation, for the purpose of invading the Indian country, steps were 
taken for the immediate defence of the frontier. Major Angus 
M'Donald was directed to raise, as speedily as possible, a body of 
four or five hundred men, and with this force to throw himself 
between the settlements and the Indians.* Under directions]- 
from this officer, Morgan took the field. In a very short space of 
time, he raised the necessary complement of men to form a com- 
pany, and with it, and one or two other companies, which were 
raised under similar circumstances, he marched to Wheeling 
Creek, the point of rendevous for McDonald's command. Towards 
the end of June, a force of upwards of four hundred volunteers 
assembled at this point. 

Finding that the Indians had not appeared in any considerable 
numbers on the Virginia side of the Ohio, Major McDonald now 
resolved to abandon the defensive operations he had been directed 
to carry on, and to invade the Indian territory. He accordingly 
embarked his forces, and descending to the mouth of Captina 
Creek, landed there, and advanced westward to the Indian towns 
on the head waters of the Muskingham River. After a few d?.ys* 

* Doddridge's Notes, pp. 243-244, 

"Dear Sir: — I have received accounts from the Ohio that there are eight persona 
killed. I think that you ought to get fifty or sixty men, in order to set out next week. There- 
fore, get what you can of your own company, and send or go to the other companies to 
get and make up your number ; for I expect orders from the Governor about Monday, 
or Tuesday next, and I do not want to draught any, but to get volunteers. As the pay 
will be very good, you can get good men ; and I beg you to take none but such as can bo 
depended upon, that we may do service to our country and gain honor for ourselves. 

" I have sent to Captain Alexander and Captain Lewis, and will send to Captain Allan 
this day, to call a muster and to know what men can be got. I have no expectations 
from the town companies, therefore you must exert yourselves in the country. 

" I am, Sir, 

" Your obedient serv/int, 

(• Angus McDoNiOJX 
•* Captadi Dakiel Mobgak, Frederick Co.*^ 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 47 

marct, and when within six miles of the Wappatomica Town, the 
advance, commanded by Captain (afterwards General) "Wood, fell 
into an ambuscade which had been laid for the invading forces, 
by about fifty Indian warriors. When the fire of the Indians 
opened upon the troops, they were marching forward without the 
caution necessary on such occasions, not apprehending an attack. 
For a moment they were disconcerted; Wood's company fell 
back; but, being quickly joined by Morgan's — the next in 
the line of march — the Indians were speedily driven from their 
lurking-place, leaving behind them on6 warrior killed and several 
wounded. McDonald's forces sustained a loss on this occasion 
of two killed and eight wounded. 

They now advanced with more circumspection towards the 
Indian town, which, on their arrival, they found abandoned. The 
Indians, deeming it useless to attempt defending their town, 
and rightly judging that their invaders intended ci*ossing the 
river towards the next town, retired to the opposite shore, 
and there lay in wait for their approach. This scheme was 
fortunately discovered in time to prevent McDonald from thereby 
sufiering a severe loss, if not a complete defeat. Small parties 
were hereupon sent along the river bank, above and below 
the town, to observe the Indians, and to give notice should 
they attempt to come across.* 

Some days thus elapsed, during which a few skirmishes took 
place, when the Indians sued for peace. This was promised them 
by McDonald, on condition that they should surrender to him 
five of their chiefs as hostages. The chiefs were accordingly 
placed in his hands. But it was represented by the latter, that 
peace could not be made without the presence of the chiefs of the 
other towns. Two of the hostages were successively sent to 
bring in those chiefs ; but not returning, after a considerable 
lapse of time, McDonald moved against the upper town, which, 
after a slight skirmish, was taken by his troops. 

* Butler's Kentuciiy, Introduction, p. 57. 



48 THELIFEOF 

It was then discovered that the Indians had employed the time 
which was vainly spent in the negotiation, in removing their 
women and children, old people and effects from the upper towns, 
and in concentrating their forces. It became plain that their pro- 
fessions of desire for a peace were insincere, and that they would 
resume hostilities the moment they could do so with the hope of 
advantage. McDonald, observing this, and finding, besides, that 
his provisions were running short, resolved upon a retreat. After 
burning the towns which he had taken, and destroying all the 
corn which he could not carry away for the use of his troops, he 
took up his line of march for Captina Creek, on his route to 
Wheeling. 

As soon as the retreat became known to the Indians, they 
assembled in large numbers, and burning with the desire of 
revenge, soon overtook the Virginians. Along the whole line of 
march, from the Muskingum to the Ohio, an almost unceasing 
conflict was maintained between the adverse parties. In this pro- 
tracted contest, the Indians suffered severe losses ; but numbers of 
the A^irginians were killed and wounded, and several who were 
captured were reserved for a terrible fate.* For several days 
before McDonald reached the Ohio, his troops were forced to sub- 
sist on one ear of corn each per day. Although Morgan and his 
company took a prominent part in the contest with the Indians 
during the retreat, he lost but few of his men. 

A short time after the return of McDonald's regiment to 
Wheeling, Lord Dunmore, with the northern division of the main 
army, arrived at that place. The plan of the campaign first 
determined on, contemplated a junction of the forces under Lord 
Dunmore and General Andrew Lewis at the mouth of the 
Kanawha. His lordship here announced a change in his plan of 
operations. He had now determined to descend the Ohio to the 
mouth of the Hockhocking, and ascending that river to the falls, 
to cross thence to the Shawanese towns on the Scioto. Messen- 

♦ Doddridge's Notes, pp. 241-243. 



GENEEAL DANIEL MORGAN. 4:9 

gers were accordingly sent to General Lewis, who with much 
difficulty had reached the appointed place, with his command, 
announcing to him the change of plan, and directing him to join 
the main army with his division, near the lower Shawanese towns 
on the Scioto. 

The motives of Lord Dunmore, in taking measures which 
threatened not only the success of the campaign, but the very 
existence of the division under General Lewis, have never been 
satisfactorily explained. They were generally believed-, at the 
time to have originated with the royal government, and to con- 
template the speedy effectuation of such a peace with the Indians 
as would secure their co-operation with the British authorities, 
should the existing difficulties wiih the colonies ultimately require 
an appeal to force. 

A few days were spent at Wheeling in making some final 
arrangements for the campaign, when Lord Dunmore embarked 
his forces in a fleet of keel-boats, pirogues and canoes, and des- 
cended the Ohio to the mouth of the Hockhocking. His army, 
which had been augmented by Morgan's and other companies of 
Colonel McDonald's regiment, numbered at this time over twelve 
hundred men. Having erected a stockade fort at this point for 
the protection of his sick, and as a depot for his stores, he 
ascended the Hockhocking to the falls, and thence marched across 
the country westward towards the Scioto.* 

In the mean time, a fierce and bloody battle had taken place 
near the mouth of the Kanawha, between the forces under 
General Lewis and the Indians. In obedience to Lord Dunmore's 
orders. General Lewis was about advancing towards the Scioto, 
when he was attacked in his camp by a large force of Indians, 
under the leadership of Cornstalk, the great sachem of the Shaw- 
anese. The battle was obstinately contested for ten hours, when 
by a skilful manoeuvre on the part of General Lewis, which 
induced the Indians to believe that an attack, which, by a diver- 

• Atwater's Hist. Ohio, p. 115. 
3 



50 THELIFEOF 

sion, he made on their rear, proceeded from a reinforcement sent 
by Lord Dunmore,' tliey retired from the conflict, and crossing the 
Ohio soon after, retreated to their towns on the Scioto. This is 
generally admitted to have been one of the most sanguinary and 
well-fought battles which mark the annals of Indian warfare in 
the West. On the part of the Virginians, twelve commissioned 
officers were hilled and wounded, seventy-five men were killed, 
and one hund red and forty-one were wounded. What the force 
of the Indians was, and what their loss in this battle, have never 
been ascertained. It is believed, however, that they had a great 
superiority in numbers, and it is highly probable that their loss 
was little inferior to that of their opponents.* 

Wliile Lord Dunmore was on his marT^h to the Scioto, and 
before the result of Cornstalk's designs against Gen. Lewis 
became known, the Indians met his lordship's offers of peace 
with delays and evasions. But as soon as they discovered that 
they had sustained a defeat at " the Point," and that the chances 
of war were against them, they made repeated overtures to his 
lordship to put an end to the contest. He continued, however, to 
advance, and at length established himself at " Camp Charlotte."! 

The division under Lewis, desirous of revenging the loss it had 
sustained, was now rapidly approaching Lord Dunmore's camp. 
The Indians, hopeless of success against the united forces of 
an army, one division of which had already beaten them with 
great loss, and apprehensive of the consequences of another contest 
with their late opponents, renewed their solicitations for peace. 
At length, when a number of their towns had been destroyed, his 
lordship consented to an armistice, preparatory to a treaty of 
peace. 

Messengers were hereupon sent to Gen. Lewis, announcing the 
armistice, and directing him to halt. It w^as with great 
difficulty that the General and his troops could be restrained 
from disregarding measures, which they considered as not only 

* Doddridge's Notes, 231. t Atwater's Ohio, p. 115. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 51 

defi'aiiding them of tlieir revenge on tbe Indians, but as having 
that very object specially in view. It was only when the order to 
halt was given for the third time, and by Lord Dunmore in 
person, that it was reluctantly obeyed by the indignant Lewis 
and his command/'' 

Lord Dunmore having signified his willingness to treat, runnera 
w'ere accordingly sent to all the Indian towns, to summon the 
chiefs, most of whom appeared in due time. The chiefs of two 
or three of the towns higher u]) the country not appearing, 
however, and his lordship having predetermined to crush every 
manifestation of Indian hostility or resistance, it was resolved 
to send a force against these places, and to destroy them. 
Major Crawford, with a body of about four hundred men, 
which included Morgan and his company, advanced against 
the hostile towns, which they destroyed without opposition, 
the inhabitants having lied at their approach.f 

The terms of peace were soon afterwards satisfactorily arranged. 
The Indians stipulated, among other tilings, to observe peace' and 
amity towards the whites, to deliver up all the prisoners held by 
them, and to recognize the Ohio river as the boundary between 
the contracting parties. The brave and magnanimous, but 
unfortunate Logan kept aloof, and took no part in the treaty. 
It was on this occasion that his speech, so celebrated as a model 
of eloquence, was delivered. 

Thus terminated "Lord Dunmore's war." After the Indians 
had delivered their prisoners, and presents were distributed 
among them, the army was put in motion for Fort Pitt. 

When the division to which Morgan was attached reached the 
mouth of the Hockhocking, they were there informed of those 
startling pubhc events which had taken place during their 
absence in the campaign ; and which, it was manifest to the 
dullest of comprehension among them, threatened to lead to 
hostilities between the colonies and the mother country. Iler^- 

♦ Butler's Kentucky, Introduction, p. 68. tibid. 



52 THELIFEOF 

tliev learned, among other exciting incidents in the progress of 
public affairs, that by act of Parliament, the port of Boston had 
been closed, and other disabilities inflicted on the inhabitants 
of that city ; that the House of Burgesses of Virginia had, in 
consequence, passed an order, deprecating this despotic measure, 
and appointing a day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer; and 
that a cono-ress of delegates from the different colonies had 
assembled at Philadelphia, with the object of taking measures 
to resist the tyrannical encroachments of the British government 
on the liberties of the American people. " Upon learning these 
thina-s," Morgan remarks, in a sketch of a portion of his military 
career written by himself, "we, as an army victorious, formed 
ourselves into a society, pledging our words of honor to each 
other to assist our brethren of Boston in case hostilities should 
commence." Faithfully did tliey fulfil their pledge.^ 

The winter and spring of the year 111 5 was spent by Morgan 
at home with his family, and in attending to his domestic con- 
cerns. He was, however, an attentive observer of the great poli- 
tical movements then going forward. In the difficulties between 
the colonists and their rulers, he was a firm and zealous supporter 
of the cause of the former. He made no secret of his opinions 
uDon this subject, nor of his readiness, should the result be au 
appeal to force, to take up arms in defence of his country. The 
bold and decided tone in which he denounced the tyrannical pro- 
ceedings of the British government, had a salutary effect in bring- 
ing nvdnj of his neighbors to his own way of thinking. 

The difficulties between Great Britain and the colonies were now 
rapidly approaching a crisis. On the 19th of April, the first 
blood of the war was spilled at Lexington. On the 1 Tth of June, 
the glorious struggle on Breed's Hill occurred. On the lOUi of 
June, the second Continental Congress assembled; and on the 
14th of the game month, it made provision im- raising and ecpiip- 

♦ MSS. ofDr. HiU. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 53 

ping an array of twenty thousand men, and appointed Washington 
the commander in chief of its forces. 

Among other results of these proceedings of Congress, was one 
calling into its service ten companies of riflemen, to be raised in the 
States of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia.* Of the two com- 
panies for which Virginia was called upon, Morgan was selected 
as the captain of one, by the unanimous vote of the committee of 
Frederick County .f 

* Sparks's Writings of Washington, vol. iii., p. 100. 

t Frederick County : 
In Committee, June 22, 1775, 
In obedience to a resolve of the Continental Congress, dated 14th of June, 1775, viz.: 
" That six companies of expert riflemen be immediately raised in Pennsylvania, two in Mary- 
land, and two in Virginia; that each company, as soon as completed, shall march and 
join the army near Boston ; to be there employed as light infantry, under the command of 
the chief officer of that army — " this committee, reposing a special trust in the courage, 
conduct, and reverence for liberty under the spirit of the British constitution, of Daniel 
Morgan, Esq., do hereby certify that we have unanimously appointed him to command a 
Virginia company of riflemen, to march from this county. 

He is hereby directed to act, Iwjexerciging the officers and soldiers under his command, 
taking particular care to provide them with the necessaries, as the 1st Resolve of Con- 
gress directs; and that he is from time to time to follow such directions as he shall receive 
from the commander-in-chief, or any other of his superior officers of the continental 
army. 

Signed by order of the Committee, 

CuARLES Myers Thurston, Ch. F. C. 

The above was confirmed by the following commission from Congress : 

In Congress. 

The Delegates of the United Colonies of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode 
Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the Counties of New Castle, 
Kent, and Sussex on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, to 
Daniel Morgan, Esquire : 

We, reposing especial trust and confidence in your patriotism, valor, conduct, and 
fidelity, do, by these presents, constitute and appoint you to be Captain of a company of 
riflemen *************** 
in the army of the United Colonies, raised for the defence of American Liberty, and for 
repelling every hostile invasion thereof. You are, therefore, carefully and dihgently to 
discharge the duty of captain * * * ir,y doing and performing all manner of 
things thereunto belonging. And we do strictly charge and require all officers and 
soldiers under your command to be obedient to your orders as captain. 

And you are to observe and follow such orders and directions from time to time, as 
you shall receive from this or a future Congress of the United Colonies or Committee of 
Coiigi-ess for that purpose appointed, or Commander-in-Chief, for the time being, of the 



54 THELIFEOF 

Morgan, burning with ardor, lost no time in delay. In less 
than ten days after the receipt of his commission, he raised a com- 
pany of ninety-six young, hardy woodsmen, full of spirit and 
enthusiasm, and practised marksmen with the rifle. John Hum- 
phreys, who was killed in the assault on Quebec, was his first 
lieutenant. William Heth, afterwards a colonel, who greatly 
distinguished himself in the subsequent events of the war, was his 
second lieutenant. His ensign was Charles Porterfield, afterwards 
a colonel, and an ofiicer, who, by his many brilliant and daring 
achievements, had earned a proud name among the defenders of 
his country, and was rapidly rising to distinction when he fell on 
the bloody field of Camden. A finer body of men than those 
who composed the company were seldom seen. One that ren- 
dered better service, or that shed a brighter lustre on the arms 
of their countiy, never had existence. 

Early in July, Morgan started from Winchester at the head of 
his company, and in twenty-one days reached Boston, having 
travelled a distance of six hundred miles without losing a man by 
sickness or desertion on the route. 

The rifle companies were the first which were ordered to be 
raised by Congress ; they were the first to obey the summons of 
their country ; and Morgan's company was one of the first, if not 
the very first, of the number to reach Boston. 

When Morgan arrived in the vicinity of Boston, he found the 
British army, under General Howe, occupying the city, Bunker's 
Hill, Cope's Hill, an entrenchment on Roxbury Neck, and other 
minor positions. A strong naval force was also stationed at com- 
manding points. The American army lay on both sides of 
Charles river, on the left to the Mystic, and on the right to 

army of the United Colonies, or any other, your superior oflScer, according to the rules 
and discipline of War, in pursuance of the trust reposed in you. This commission to 
continue in force until revoked by this or a future Congress. 

June 22, 1775. By order of the Congress, 

John Hancock, President. 

Attest, Charles Thomipson, Secretary. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 65 

Dorchester, closely investing Boston on the land side.* Wash- 
ington had taken the command about a month previously, and 
was then busily engaged in organizing his forces. Since the 
battle on Breed's Hill, no conflict of a nature more important than 
one between small parties of the opposing forces had taken place. 
Both armies were sedulously occupied in strengthening their 
respective positions, and in making provision for an attack which 
was mutually expected. 

Before the month of August expired, all the companies of rifle- 
men had arrived, and were encamped at Cambridge. For six 
weeks Morgan's company remained inactive at this place, save in 
perfecting itself in discipline, and in occasionally assisting in the 
construction of the works. This state of inglorious repose was 
becoming very irksome to Morgan and his men, when an oppor- 
tunity for service at length presented itself. It was intimated by 
the commander-in-chief, tliat he had in contemplation an expedi- 
tion, the nature of which could not be revealed, which would require 
the services of three of the rifle companies. Morgan, at his own 
earnest request, was detached with his company, as a part of this 
expedition. The offers to join it of Captains Smith and Hen- 
dricks, each conmianding a company of the Pennsylvania rifle- 
men, were also accepted. 

The nature of this expedition, the events which attended it, 
and its result, will form the subject of the succeeding chapter. 

* Spark's Writings of Wasliington, vol. iii., pp. 26-28. 



56 THE LIFE OF 



CHAPTER IV. 

Invasion of Canada— Arnold's expedition to Quebec— Joined by Morgan— Dispute in rela- 
tion to command — Letter from Washington — Expedition moves up thtj Kennebec — Its 
progress, and the difficulties it encounters — Morgan's capacity for command, illustrated 
— Difficulties encountered by the expedition — It crosses the " height of land " — Morgan 
and his company attempt to descend the Chaudiere — Lose all their bateaux, and narrowly 
escape destruction in the rapids — Expedition sufifei's dreadfully from hunger, cold and 
fatigue — Reaches the settlements at the river de Loup — Subsequently advances to Point 
Levi — Reflection — Sympathy of the inhabitants in the objects of the expedition — Morgaa 
captures midshipman McKenzie — The humanity he displayed on that occasion — Prepar- 
ations for crossing the St. Lawrence, and assaulting Quebec — The river crossed. 

In the month of June, 17*75, Congress took measures for the 
invasion of Canada. A resolution was passed, appointing General 
Schuyler commander of the projected expedition against that 
province, and directing him to take the steps necessary to promote 
its success. Three thousand men from New England and Ydw 
York were designed for this service, to the expenses of wh>ch, 
fifty thousand dollars in specie were voted. Attached to chis 
command were Generals Wooster and Montgomery. 

General Schuyler repaired to Ticonderoga, where the succeeding 
two months were spent in collecting and organizing his forces, 
and in preparing for a general movement. In- the month of 
September, the army moved, and after an ineffectual attempt to 
captu^'e St. Johns, took a position on the Isle Aux Noix. Here 
General Schuyler, who had been for some time much indisposed, 
became so ill as to be unable to leave his bed. His recovery 
being very slow, the command devolved upon General >\ont- 
gomery. Under the direction of this officer. Fort Cliambli'^ and 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 57 

the town of St. Johns were successively taken ; Governor Carleton, 
with about one thousand men, was defeated by Colonel Warner at 
Longueisle ; and this event was succeeded by the surrender of 
Montreal. The British fleet, consisting of eleven sail, with a 
large quantity of military stores were captured. General Prescott 
and a number of his oflScers and men were taken prisoners ; 
Governor Carleton, and about two hundred men, with difiiculty 
escaping to Quebec* 

While these operations were in progress. General Washington, 
at the instance of Arnold, f set on foot an expedition, designed as 
a scheme of co-operation with the army under Montgomery, 
Avhich was as remarkable for its novelty and boldness, as for the 
dangers and difficulties which it involved. These overcome, how- 
ever, and a brilliant and speedy issue to the struggle in Canada 
was rendered almost certain. As Morgan occupied a prominent 
position in this expedition ; and as the result, although disastrous, 
enabled him to display on a broader field of action, those great 
military qualities which he possessed, and to win, even in defeat, 
the applause and admiration of his countrymen ; we may count 
upon pardon in dwelling with some minuteness over its thrilling 
details. 

The subject of this expedition was first broached by Washington 
in a letter addressed by him to General Schuyler, dated at 
Cambridge, 20th of August, 1775. "The design of this express," 
the general goes on to say, " is to communicate to you a plan of 
an expedition, which has engaged my thoughts for several days. 
It is to penetrate to Canada, by way of the Kennebec river, and 
so to Quebec, by a route ninety-six miles below Montreal. I can 
very well spare a detachment for this purpose of cn^ thousand, or 
twelve hundred men, and the land carriage by the route proposed 
is too inconsiderable to make an objection. If you are resolved 
to proceed, as I gather from your last 

* Marshall's Washington, vol ii., pp. 801-318. 
^ Maine Historical Society, vol i., p. 341. 



58 THELIFEOF 

would make a diversion that would distract Carleton, and facili- 
tate jour views. He must either break up and follow this party 
to Quebec, by whicjh he will leave you a free passage, or he must 
sutler that important place to fall into our hands, an event that 
would have a decisive eftect and influence on the public interests. 
There may be some danger that such a sudden incursion might 
alarm the Canadians, and detach them from that neutrality which 
they have hitherto observed ; but I should hope that, with suitable 
precautions, and a strict discipline, any apprehensions and jealousies 
might be removed. The few -whom I have consulted upon it, 
approve it much ; but the final determination is deferred until I 
hear from you. You will therefore, by the retui-n of this mes- 
senger, inform me of your ultimate resolution. If you mean to 
proceed, acquaint me as particulai-ly as you can with the time 
and force, what late accounts you have had from Canada, and 
your opinion as to the sentiments of the inhabitants, as well as 
those of the Indians, upon a penetration into their country ; what 
number of troops are at Quebec, and whether any men-of-war, 
with all other circumstances which may be material in the con- 
sideration of a step of such importance. Not a moment's lime is 
to be lost in the preparations for this enterprise, if the advices 
from you favor it. With the utmost expedition, the season will 
be considerably advanced, so that you will dismiss the express as 
soon as possible.* 

The scheme having met the approval of General Schuyler, 
measures were at once taken by the commander-in chief to put it 
into operation. 

The active and fearless spirit which Benedict Arnold had 
evinced, particularly in the taking of Ticonderoga, had attracted 
towards him the notice of Washington ; and pointed him out as 
one eminently fitted to conduct an expedition, so daring and 
adventurous as that determined upon. The command was accord- 
i^S'b" given to him, and with it, a commission as colonel in the 

*Sparks's Writings of Washington, vol iii., p. 68, 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 59 

continental line. The force detached on this service consisted of 
about eleven hundred men, divided into ten companies of infantry, 
three of riflemen, and one of artillery. Attached to the com- 
mand were Lieutenant Colonels Christopher Green, and Roger 
Enos, and Majors Timothy Bigelow and Return J. Meigs. The 
rifle companies v^^ere commanded, that from Virginia by Morgan, 
and the other two from Pennsylvania by Captains William 
Hendricks and Matthew Smith. The artillery company was 
under the orders of Captain Lamb. The staft" consisted of Christian 
Febriger, adjutant; David Hyde, quarter-master; Dr. Senter, and 
another gentleman, whose name is not recollected, doctors ; and 
Mr. Samuel Spi'ing, chaplain. Several enterprising individuals, 
among others, Colonel Aaron Burr, Matthew Ogden, and John 
McGuyer, joined the expedition as volunteers.* The wives of 
two of the Pennsylvanian riflemen, Mrs. Grier and Mrs. Warner, 
accompanied their husbands, and even assisted them during the 
toilsome and difficult march. Although these poor women had 
their full share of the sufteiings, from hunger, cold, and fatigue, 
which were experienced alike by officei's aud men, and from the 
effects of which a number died on the way, they displayed as 
much fortitude, and as great powers of endurance, as the 
strongest of the army, with which they ultimately arrived, safe 
and in good health, at the St. Lawrence.f 

The necessary preparations for the expedition had all been 
made. Arnold had received his instructions from the commander- 
in-chief. These enjoined him, after assuming his command, to 
exercise the utmost diligence and prudence in prosecuting the 
march to a speedy and successful termination ; upon all occasion? 
to treat the Canadians as friends, and by every means in his powder 
10 conciliate the good will of the Indians. He was commanded 
to protect the property, and to respect the religion and customs 
of the people through whose country he passed, and to repress 

* Collection Maine Historical Society, vol. i., 388. 
f Judge Henry's Account, 65-66. 



C)0 THELIFEOF 

violence and. plundering under tlie severest penalties. The details 
of his instructions were carefully drawn up, and nothing calcu- 
lated to contribute towards a fortunate issue of the expedition was 
left unnoticed.* A letter to Arnold accompanied these instruc- 
tions, charging him to regard the Canadians as friends, and to 
conduct himself towards them accordingly ; directing him to 
punish every violation of this command with the utmost severity ; 
and repeating in more emphatic terms all the principal points in 
the instructions. He was also furnished with a large number of 
manifestoes, intended for distribution among the people of Canada, 
which explained the nature of the contest between Great Britain 
and the colonies, and urged them to co-operate with the latter in 
resisting the conion oppressor of both. About one thousand 
pounds in specie were placed in his hands to defray contingent 
expenses.f 

Everything was now in readiness for a movement. A general 
knowledge of the route had been acquired by Arnold, from the 
journal of a British officer, who had travelled over the ground 
some fifteen years before. The expedition was suggested by a 
perusal of this journal.^ Intelligence had likewise been derived 
from several St. Francis Indians, who had recently visited Wash- 
ington's camp, and who were familiar with those interior regions. 
Arnold had likewise been furnished with a manuscript map of 
the country watered by the Kennebec, and the journal of a toui 
through that region, by a gentleman long a resident in its vici- 
nity. § Two persons had been sent forward to explore the 
country to be traversed, and to ascertain the disposition of the 
inhabitants. Eleven transports were then lying at Newburyport, 
ready to convey the troops thence up the Kennebec river to 
the town of Gardiner, where two hundred bateaux had been 
constructed for the further transportation of the army. The' 
provisions, baggage, ammunition, &c., had all been provided, 

* gparka's Writings of Washington, vol. iii., 8&-89. + Ibid. 90-91. 

$ Maine Historical Society, 841. § Sparli?*s Arnold, 28, 29. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 61 

and nothing remained undone which might facilitate tlie 
operations of the detachment, or add to its efficiency and confi- 
dence. 

The troops left Cambridge on the 13th of September. Having 
marched to Newburyport, where they encamped and remained lor 
three days, they embarked on board the transports and sailed for 
the Kennebec on the 19th. In compliance with the directions of 
the commander-in-chief, several vessels had been previously dis- 
patched eastward, to ascertain if the coast in that quarter was 
clear of British cruisers. The next day the fleet reached the 
mouth of the Kennebec without accident or molestation, and the 
wind being fair, it found no difficulty in sailing up to Gardiner, 
the point of debarkation.* 

The arms, ammunition, baggage, and provisions, having been 
removed from the transports to the bateaux, the detachment 
moved up the river, and, on the 23d, rendezvoused at Fort Wes- 
tern, a place opposite to that where the town of Augusta 
now stands. 

Five or six days were spent at this place, in completing 
the necessary preparations. A party of eleven men, including 
their commander, Lieutenant Steel, and two guides, were sent 
forward from this point, to explore and mark the Indian paths at 
the carrying places along the route ; and to cross the high lands 
to the Chaudiere river, and ascertain its course.f 

While the army lay at this point, a misunderstanding occurred 
between the field-officers, subordinate to Arnold, and Morgan, 
in relation to a claim of command which they asserted over him 
and his division. Morgan contended that the rifle companies, 
having been raised by a special act of Congress, and being, more- 
over, intended as the advance of the expedition, were subject 
to the command of Col. Arnold only. In this opinion he was 
sustained by Captains Smith and Hendricks, the ofiicers com- 

* Sparks's Arnold, 27. Maine Historical Society, vol. i., 390. 
t Judge Henry's Accouat, p. 17. 



62 THELIFEOF 

manding the other two rifle companies. The difficulty was at 
length referred to the commander-in-chief, who decided in favor 
of the field-officers. As the letter on this subject is the first of 
the long series which subsequently passed between Washington 
and Morgan, and which evince to the close a progressive increase 
in the friendly feelings with which they mutually regarded each 
other, it is invested with no common interest, and may be very 
appropriately introduced here : — 

" Camp at Cambridge, Oct. 4, 1775. 

" Sir : I write to you in consequence of information I have received, 
that you and the captains of the rifle companies on the detachment against 
Quebec, chxim an exemption from the command of all the field officers, 
except Col. Arnold. I understand this claim is founded upon some expres- 
sions of mine ; but, if you understood me in this way, you are much mis- 
taken in my meaning. My intention is, and ever was, that every officer 
should command according to his rank. To do otherwise would subvert 
all military order and authority, which, I am sure, you could not wish or 
expect. 

" Now the mistake is rectified, I trust you will exert yourself to support 
my intentions, ever remembering that by the same rule by which you 
claim an independent command, and break in upon mihtary authority, 
others will do the same in regard to you, and, of consequence, the expedi- 
tion must terminate in shame and disgrace to yourselves, and the reproach 
and detriment of your country. To a man of true spirit and military cha- 
racter, further argument is unnecessary. I shall, therefore, recommend to 
you to preserve the utmost harmony among youi'selves, to which a due 
subordination will much contribute ; and wishing you health and success, 
" I remain, your very humble servant, 

" George Washington. 

" To Captain Daniel Morgan."* 

In relation to the difficulty thus decided, it is worthy of 
remark, that notwithstanding the earnest and somewhat unneces- 
sary desire which the field officers referred to displayed at this 
time, to extend their control over Morgan and his command 

* Sparks's Writings of Washington. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. DO 

an emergency subsequently arose, as will be seen in the sequel, 
wherein they felt it expedient, not only to yield the point in 
dispute, but to place themselves and their commands under his 
direction. 

The season being far advanced — too far, indeed, as the event 
proved — to allow of a successful issue to the expedition ; and 
an essential element of success beino: the secrecv of the move- 
ment, which was endangered by delay, but little time was lost 
in making the necessary dispositions. Colonel Arnold formed 
his forces into four divisions. The riflemen, being the first, were 
to lead the van. Morgan was appointed their commander. His 
duty was, " to follow the footsteps of the exploring party, and to 
examine the country along the route ; to free the streams to 
be ascended from all impediments to their navigation, and to 
remove all obstructions from the road ; to ascertain all the fords 
which intersected the line of march ; to examine the numerous 
portages over which it would be necessary to move, and to take 
such measures as would facilitate their passage." Besides these, 
his position imposed on him the duties incidental to an advanced 
guard. For, although the expedition experienced no opposition 
until it arrived on the north bank of the St. Lawrence, the dispo- 
sition of the Indians who inhabited the country between the head 
waters of the Kennebec and the Chaudiere, was stated by the 
scouts to be hostile ; it certainly was but partially known. And 
even were the representations regarding their sentiments ever so 
favorable, the proverbial fickleness and treachery of the Indian 
character must have led an old Indian fighter like Morgan to 
consider an attack from them as a probable contingency. Thus 
w^as imposed upon him the necessity of an untiring vigilance 
in guarding against the chance of a surprise — a duty which 
added heavily to those already enumerated, which his corps was 
required to perform. 

His men were armed, each with a rifle, a tomahawk, and a long 
knife. They were dressed v/ith flannel shirts, cloth or buckskin 



64: THELIFEOF 

breeches, buckskin leggiiis, and moccasins. Over these clothes 
they wore hunting-shirts, made, for the most part, of brown linen, 
some of buckskin, and a few of linsej woolsey. These shirts 
were confined to the waist by belts, in which they carried their 
knives and tomahawks. Morgan's company wore caps, on which 
appeared the words " liberty or death." For himself, he appears 
to have adopted the Indian dress on this expedition. When met 
by the exploring party on their return from the head waters of 
the Chaudiere, he wore leggins, and a cloth in the Indian style. 
His thighs, which were exposed to view on that occasion, 
appeared to have been lacerated by the thorns and bushes.'^ 

The second division was composed of three companies of infan- 
try, under Lieutenant Colonel Green and Major Bigelow. The 
third consisted of three companies of infantry, and Captain Lamb's 
artillery company, with one piece, commanded by Major Meigs. 
The rear guard, under Lieutenant Colonel Evans, was formed of 
the remainder of the infantry, consisting also of three companies, 
and a body of teamsters, carjDenters, &c. 

These dispositions having been made, on the 25th of September, 
Morgan's command embarked in bateaux and canoes, with ordei-s 
to proceed with all speed to the Great Carrying Place. The next 
day, Colonel Green and Major Bigelow, with the second division, 
were sent forward. The third and fourth divisions, under Major 
Meigs and Colonel Enos, respectively, were put in motion, each a 
day after that which preceded it.f 

On the fifth day after leaving Fort Western, Morgan and his 
corps reached the falls of Norridgewock. During this part of the 
journey, the rifiemen experienced great fatigue and discomfort. 
As the bateaux had to be pushed forward against a strong cur- 
rent, the men were almost continually mid-deep in water. Two 
portages on the route were crossed with much labor. Upon 
arriving at Norridgewock, many of the batoaux were found to be 

* Judge Henry's Campaign, p. 15-51. 

t Collections of Maine Hist. Soc. vol. i, p. 39T. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 65 

SO leaky, as to have already destroyed a considerable part of the 
stores, and to require repairing before proceeding further. They 
were, however, speedily discharged, the necessary repairs made, 
and the toilsome and difficult task of transporting them and the 
baggage over the rough and difficult portage above the falls, a dis- 
tance of a mile and a quarter, was at length effected. These 
operations, and a halt, to enable the rear to come up and cross the 
falls, occupied a week's time, during which all but the rear division 
had collected at and about this place. 

On the 6th of October, Morgan again moved forward, and 
towai'ds the close of the next day, reached the Carratunc Falls. 
These having been passed without any unnecessary delay or 
accident, he pushed ahead against a rapid current, and on the 
evening of the 9th, arrived at the Great Carrying Place. 

The divisions of Green and Meigs arrived the next day. A few 
hours after their arrival. Colonel Arnold, with an Indian guide 
and a few followers, in canoes, reached this point. He had seen 
the last division embark from Fort Western, when he pushed for- 
ward to the front of the line.* 

The difficulties which had thus inv been encountered were 
great indeed. The men had been nearly half the time in water ; 
and this, together with the hardships and fatigues which they 
had undergone in bearing their bateaux and eflects across the 
numerous portages, had seriously dispirited them. Already their 
numbers had experienced a heavy reduction by sickness and 
desertion. They were cheered somewhat by the delusive belief 
that the principal obstacles in their way had already been sur- 
mounted. But formidable as these obstacles had proved to be, 
they were as nothing to those yet to be encountered. 

On the morning of the 10th of October, Morgan and his com- 
mand commenced crossing the Great Carrying Place. From the 
point of starting to that on the Dead river where they intended. 
to re-embark, was fifteen miles, with three small lakes intervening. 

* Sparks's Arnold, p. 82. 



GQ THELIFEOF 

Over this extensive space, which embraced precipitous ascents, 
yawning ravines, thick, entangling woods, swamps, and water 
courses, the riflemen were obliged to carry the bateaux, baggage, 
provisions and arms. Numerous were the journeys from one end 
of the Carrying Place to the other, before their herculean task 
was accomplished. By dint of the greatest labor and perseverance, 
the bateaux were transported on the men's shoulders, over the 
different portages and intervals of land, from lake to lake, laden 
and unladen, until at length, on the 19th, they were once m^re 
afloat on the waters of the Dead river, the effects embarked, and 
everything ready for a fresh start. 

As the troops advanced, their diflBculties, perils, and hardships 
constantly increased. In the despondency which thus became 
general, their ignorance of the country yet to be traversed served 
but to magnify its actual terrors. While crossing the Great Carry- 
ing Place, they were met by Lieutenant Steel and his exploring 
party, on their return from the head waters of the Chaudiere.* 
The representations of the difficulties and dangers of the route 
which were made by these men, found amj^le corroboration in 
their haggard appearance and helpless condition.f Indeed, the 
prospect at this time was well calculated to shake the resolu- 
tion of any man, less determined and adventurous than was 
Arnold, and to palsy the efforts of any corps, less brave and hardy 
than that he comraanded. 

During the succeeding three days, Morgan and his command 
lay encamped on the Dead river, recruiting the men, and waiting 
for the rear divisions to come up. At this time the commands 
of Green and Meigs w^ere well advanced. That of Enos, however, 
had only proceeded a short distance across the Great Carrying 
Place. In the meantime, a block-house was erected at the second 
portage, for the reception of the sick and disabled, which had 



* Collections of Maine Hist. Soc, vol. V. p. 898. 
+ Judge Henry's Campaign, p. 50. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 67 

now become fearfully numerous. The commissary of iNorridg- 
wock was directed to send one hundred barrels of provisions to 
the Great Carrying Place, near the Kennebec, where another 
block-house was erected to receive them. 

Morgan's high qualifications for command were fully displayed 
on this celebrated march. He is described by a member of the 
expedition as " a large, strong-bodied personage," with a " stento- 
rian voice," and one, " whose appearance gave the idea history 
has left us of Belisarius." " His manners " were characterized as 
" severe," but " activity, spirit, and courage in a soldier procured 
his good will and esteem," and " where he became attached, he 
was truly kind and affectionate." * The rules which he adopted 
for the safety and guidance of his men, were marked by that 
judgment and prudence which disiinguished his after career. 
Although he met with much opposition from the refractory spirit 
of a portion of his command, tlie energy of his will enabled him 
generally to enforce obedience to his orders. With the men 
composing his own company, he was popular as a commander, 
and beloved as a friend. Confiding implicitly in his judgment and 
discretion, they obeyed with alacrity his directions, regardless of 
the labor or the self-denial which they involved. With the Penn- 
sylvania companies, however, the case was somewhat different. 
Although it would be difficult at any time to collect a finer body 
of men than that these companies composed, yet, in common 
with almost all newly organized bodies of troops, they were 
opposed to the restraints, as they were insensible to the advan- 
tages of discipline, and a due subordination. The local prejudices 
which existed at this time between Pennsylvanians and Virgi- 
nians, and the belief among the Pennsylvania riflemen that one 
of their captains, Hendricks, was entitled by rank to the position 
which Arnold had conferred upon Morgan, contributed to the 
difficulties with which the latter had to contend in exercising the 
command.f 

* Judge Henry's Campaign, p. 16. . t Ibid., p. 196. 



68 THELIFEOF 

The principal of Morgan's rules were, that there should bt no 
straggling from the camp, and that no one should lire oft' his p ece 
without permission. Reasonable as these orders were, they met "^dth 
opposition from the men of the Pennsylvania companies under 
the countenance which their officers aflbrded them. While the 
riflemen were encamped on Dead river, a man named Chamberlain, 
belonging to Captain Smith's company, proceeded a short dis- 
tance from the camp, and discharged his piece. On approaching 
the camp, gun in hand, he was confronted by Morgan, who 
accused him of the breach of orders in firing. Chamberlain, 
who is represented as " an arrant liar," promptly denied the 
charge. Morgan, convinced that he was correct, and provoked at 
the cool mendacity of the man, sprang to a pile of wood, snatched 
up a stick, and turning upon Chamberlain, declared that he would 
knock him down, unless he confessed the fact. At this juncture. 
Captain Smith, who was present during the altercation, inter- 
posed ; and picking up another stick, swore he would strike 
Morgan, if he attempted to put his threat into execution. Sensi- 
ble that the step he was about to take Avas not strictly military ; 
apprehensive, besides, that by pushing the matter further, a diffi- 
culty about rank might grow out of a quarrel among the officers 
of the riflemen, Morgan receded from his purpose, and walked 
away. ' Morgan's life furnishes few instances of such forbearance 
as he displayed on this occasion. Among the motives which 
induced him to relinquish his purpose, and to disregard Captain 
Smith's threat, fear of that officer cannot be included — a man of 
whom it is said, that " this was the only spirited act known of 
him during the^ campaign.'* 

On the 21st of October, Morgan advanced, followed by the 
commands of Colonel Green and Major Meigs. At this lime. 
Colonel Enos was approaching the Great Carrying Place. The 
boats, which were heavily laden with the baggage, provisions, &c., 

* For further particulars of Captain Smith, see Henry's account of the Expedition ta 
Canada, pp. 221-222. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 69 

had on board only the men necessary to navig-ate them. The 
main bodies of the diflerent divisions marched by hmd, following 
the meandeiings of the river. 

Among the difliculties with which the troops had to contend, 
•was that arising fiom their ignorance of tlie country. The 
bateaux were frequently led away from the main stream into its 
branches, proceeding sometimes for miles before the mistake 
would be discovered. The troops on shore, guided by the boats, 
generally fell into the same error. Thus, in some instances, an 
entire day was consumed in moving up and returning on a wrong 
course. One instance of this kind may be mentioned. A short 
distance above the place where the cabin of the Indian chief 
Natalis itood, a stream from the westward empties into the Dead 
river. All of Morgan's boats and men proceeded up this stream 
about seven miles, before they were apprised of their mistake by 
the boat which was sent after them for that purpose. In the 
mean time, they discovered an Indian settlement, which proved to 
be that of the chief Sabatis and his family. The Indians were 
all absent. Their property, consisting of venison, corn, kettles, 
&c., were enclosed in a species of cages, made of birch bark, 
\vhich were placed in the forks of some trees in the vicinity. 
Sabatis and his adherents being considered at this time as the 
friends of tlie British, their eftci^ts were considered the rightful 
spoils of war. Such of them as were not made subservient to 
the wants of the riflemen, were destroyed; after which, they 
returned to the Dead river.* 

The country along the Dead river w^as more favorable to an 
advance than any through which the troops had hitherto passed ; 
and for many miles that stream presented a smooth surface and a 
gentle current, interrupted at intervals, however, by falls, over 
w^hich it was necessary to " carry." The troops pushed forward 
with accelerated pace. At this time, it Avas confidently believed 
that the Chaudiere would be reached in two or three days. 

t Henry's Campaign, p. 84. Maine Historical Society, p. 898. 



TO THELIFEOF 

Bui these expectations were doomed to a fearfui disappoint- 
ment. During the preceding two or three days, much rain had 
fallen. On the evening of the 22d, the riflemen encamped on the 
bank of the river, in the neighborhood of a lofty mountain, since 
called Mount Bigelow. The stream had already commenced 
swelHng; and before daylight the next morning, it had inundated 
the encampment, which was abandoned in haste for higher 
ground. When morning came, the river presented a frightful 
aspect. It had risen during the previous night eight or nine feet, 
and flowed with great rapidity. 

These circumstances, however discouraging, were not permitted 
to delay the advance. The boats, having been placed in charge 
of the most active and skilful of the men, were put in motion ; 
the main body of the troops, in the mean time, proceeded by 
land up the south bank of the river. The meandering of the 
stream, with the inundation of the low lands in its vicinity, and 
the rapidity of the current, prevented both boats and troops from 
making much progress. After a very fatiguing march, they 
arrived on the evening of the 23d at a fall of four feet, where 
they encamped for the night. 

This was a day fraught with more disasters than any one which 
had preceded it. With great difficulty the boats had been brought 
up to the neighborhood of the four-feet fall. The central current 
at this point ran with immense velocity, forming eddies of corres- 
ponding swiftness on each side of the river. As the boats 
approached, they were caught by the eddies, the strength of 
which rendered them entirely unmanageable. Ascending the 
stream with great rapidity, a number of them were forced against 
the shore, where, with much difficulty, they were secured. Seven 
of them, however, were caught by the current, which speedily 
engulfed two or three, and dashed the remainder to pieces 
against the shore below. Unfortunately, these boats contained 
the greater part of the remaining provisions, all of which, together 
with a considerable sum of money, a quantity of baggage, and the 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 71 

arms of tbe boatmen, were lost, the meu with great difficiilt> 
escaping with their lives. 

To the causes of distress and discouragement which had pre 
viously been experienced, a scarcity of food was now added. This 
threw such a gloom over the future, that the bravest among them 
were almost ready to despond.* The advance was still thirty 
miles from the head of the Chaudiere river. Short as that dis- 
tance was, comparatively, it was uncertain, from the difficulties 
presented by the swollen river and the inundated land, in what 
time it could be accomplished. The number of sick and disabled 
had greatly increased during the last few days ; and the remain- 
der were rendered incapable of ordinary exertions from hunger, 
cold, and fatigue. A council of war took the state of affairs under 
consideration, at which it was resolved to continue the advance, to 
send all the sick and disabled back, and to bring forward from the 
rear a fresh supply of provisions ; and that while one strong party 
would return to carry these resolutions into eftect, another would 
proceed with all speed to Canada, and send thence supplies to 
meet the advance. 

Accordingly, a party of ninety men of Major Meigs's command, 
under Major Bigelow, were sent with the sick and disabled to the 
rear, fi'om which they were to bring the required provisions, then 
in chajge of Col. Enos. This officer and Col. Greene received 
directions at the same time to advance with as many of the best 
men of their divisions as they could furnish with fifteen days' pro- 
vision ; and to send the remainder, with the sick and disabled 
from the front^ to the post at Norridgewock.f Arnold soon after- 
wards embarked with seventeen men in five bateaux, and pro- 
ceeded towards Canada. 

At this time. Col. Greene was crossing the Great Carrying 
Place, and Col. Enos had reached that point on the Kennebec. 

On the morning of the 25th, the troops moved forward. The 

♦Sparks's Arnold, p. 36. 

tCollectiooa of Maine Hist. Soc, p, 8C4; Sparks's Araold, pp. 36, 8T. 



72 THELIFEOF 

succeeding two days passed without the occurrence of anything 
remarkable. Yet such were the embarrassments which impeded 
their progress, that during this time, they advanced only twenty 
miles. 

On the 28th, the eyes of the adventurous band were gladdened with 
a sight of the elevated ground wliich interposes between the waters 
of the Kennebec and the Chaudiere. Cheered by an object which 
seemed to promise a speedy termination of their toils and suffer- 
ings, they pushed manfully on. The bateaux remaining were 
transported across two wide portages this day ; and at night-fall, 
the troops in advance, which at this and all other times included 
Morgan and his riflemen, encamped on the bank of the pond, where 
the portage across the " height of land," commenced."^ 

The succeeding day was employed in transporting the boats 
and baggage across the portage, a space of four miles and a quar- 
ter, to the waters on the other side, which emptied into the 
Chaudiere. In the absence of accurate information regarding this 
river, Morgan supposed that it would prove as favorable to naviga- 
tion as the streams which had been ascended. In this event, the 
transportation of all their boats across the portage was recommended 
by many reasons. The advantage afforded by the current would 
greatly facilitate the progress of the troops ; and, while saving them 
from the fatigue of marching, enable them in some measure to 
recruit their exhausted strength. The measure, besides, would com- 
pensate for the great labor necessary to carrying it into effect, by 
furnishing the prompt and certain means of transporting the troops 
across the St. Lawrence, on their arrival at that river. Accord- 
ingly, Morgan gave orders to this effect. But Captains Smith and 
Hendricks refused to take over the carrying-place more than one 
boat for each of their companies. Morgan determined to carry 
over all the bateaux belonging to his company. With incredible 
labor the task was performed, and on the morning of the 29th, the 
advance of the army was in readiness to descend.f 

♦Judge Henry'a campaign, p. 62. tibid 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 73 

At this point, it became known that Col. Enos, with the whole 
of his division, a large quantity of provisions, and the medicine 
chest, had abandoned the expedition at the Twelve Mile Carrying 
Plac^, and returned to the Kennebec. 

The provisions were now nearly exhausted. There was no 
meat of any kind left. The flour, which alone remained, was 
divided among the men. It yielded five pints to each, which 
were baked the same day into as many cakes. Upon this scanty 
amount of food they were to subsist until they reached the settle- 
ments at Sertigan, then distant nearly ninety miles.* 

So gloomy was the prospect at this time, that were it not much more 
hazardous to retreat than to advance, the former alternative would 
have been adopted. Before a movement took place from this 
point, however, fresh encouragement was derived by intelligence 
from Arnold. This officer, having proceeded with his party to 
the head of the Chaudiere, wrote back to the officers of the 
detachment, that the French inhabitants were rejoiced to hear they 
were coming, and were ready and willing to assist them ; that 
there were few or no regular soldiers at Quebec, and that the 
place could be easily taken; that he would advance without delay, 
and send back provisions as soon as possible ; and that the troops 
could go most of the way by water.f 

On the morning of the 30th, the riflemen set forward, Hendricks 
and Smith's companies on foot, along the margin of the lake, and 
Morgan's in their bateaux. The advantage which, by extraordi- 
nary labor, Morgan had thus secured his company, made a deep 
impression upon the men whom he now left behind. In the 
course of this day, he entered Lake Megantick, and pushing for- 
ward, in the evening encamped for the night on its eastern 
shore. 

The rain, which had fallen during the whole of the 30th, was suo» 
ceeded at night by snow, which on the following morning, lay on the 
ground to the depth of several inches. Though suffering greatly from 

•Judge Henry's campaign, p. 68. t Collections of Maine Hist. See. vol. i., p. 367. 

4 



74: THELIFEOF 

tlie effects of cold, hunger, and fatigue, the men did not despond, but, 
cheered by the example of their commander, exerted themselves 
with resolution. Early on the 31st, they embarked, and pushed for 
the outlet of the lake, which forms the head of the Chaudiere 
river, reaching that point in the evening of the same day. 

The next morning, they commenced descending the Chaudiere. 
For some time after entering this river, they proceeded gently on 
without any accident. But as they descended, the current con- 
stantly increased, until at length it carried them along with great 
rapidity. Soon, every succeeding minute added to the difficulties 
and dangers of their situation. First one, and then another of 
their bateaux were sunk and swept away, the men with difficulty 
reaching the land. Morgan now determined to make for the 
shore and land his men ; and to examine the river for some miles 
below, before proceeding further in the bateaux. But before thi& 
determination could be carried into effect, the bateaux entered a 
series of rapids, and became entirely uncontrollable. In the lapse 
of a few minutes, all the remaining boats were dashed to pieces, 
and their contents scattered over the boiling tide. The men with 
difficulty struggled to the shore with their arms — all but one, who 
was drowned. Morgan's life was in imminent peril for some time ; 
but he succeeded at length in reaching the shore, and in preserving 
the money which Arnold had placed in his hands for the use of 
his men.* Lieutenant McClelland, of Captain Hendricks's com- 
pany, being sick, had embarked in a boat which his men brought 
over the " height of land," and accompanied Morgan and his com- 
pany when they started on the lake. He and his boatmen were 
providentially saved from destruction, by their boat lodging against 
a rock, a short distance above a perpendicular fall of from twelve 
to twenty feet.f 

Here Morgan and his riflemen, weary, wet, cold, and hungry, 
encamped for the night. By this last disaster, they had lost the 
remains of their clothing, provisions, everything, in fact, which 

* MSS. Henry'* Campaign, p, 6T. t Ibid, p. 69. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 75 

might have served to mitigate their sufferings. With a few- 
exceptions, they had saved their arms and ammunition. The 
pangs of hunger were too keen to be resisted ; yet there was 
nothing to appease them. A dog that followed the company 
was killed and devoured, not even excepting the entrails. Moc- 
casins, leather breeches, and cartouch-boxes, were minced up and 
boiled, and eaten with voracity. 

On the morning following, the men scattered abroad for a mile 
or so from the camp, some in the hope of meeting with game, and 
others to gather such roots and berries as the country afforded. 
Their success was very meagre. Previously to this, the riflemen, 
being for the most part practised hunters, frequently killed moose, 
deer, and other animals, on the line of march. They thus 
enjoyed an advantage over their fellow soldiers, the infantr}'-, 
•which frequently made amends for the unsavoriness or scantiness 
of their rations. Early in the day, and when about moving for- 
ward, they were joined by the Pennsylvanians. These companies 
had lost, by starvation and fatigue, three or four men in the pre- 
ceding three days. They wdre in a famishing condition. The 
rifle companies, now reunited, resumed their march along the 
bank of the river. 

The distress of the men at this time was too great for descrip- 
tion. Another day's suffering must have deprived them of 
all powder to proceed. But during the afternoon, a boat was dis- 
covered ascending the stream ; and, soon after, several head 
of cattle were perceived coming up the shore. This proved to be 
the supply promised by Arnold, who, having reached Sertigan on 
the 31st, immediately sent back all the provisions that could be 
obtained there at the moment. The joy of the men was evinced 
in feeble huzzas, and in their advance with a quickened pace. 
Towards evening they reached th^ wished for supply. This con- 
sisted of a quantity of flour and oatmeal, and two small oxen, 
which had already been killed and cut into pieces for instant use, 
The remainder of the provisions had been dispatched to the 



76 THELIFEOF 

relief of tliose who were still behind. Such was the voracity 
of the hungry men, that in an inconceivably short sj^ace of time, 
all the meat was consumed. Even the entrails of the bullocks 
were eaten by those who arrived too late to 'obtain a less objec- 
tionable portion of the animals. Some who came up at the close 
of the feast, consoled themselves with a mixture of flour or meal, 
and water, which they ate with evident satisfaction. The troops 
encamped at this place for the night. 

On the morning of the 4th, they started early. Having tra- 
velled some miles, they at length reached the river de Loup, 
a stream which empties into the Chaudiere from the eastward. 
A few hundred yards beyond this river, stood " the first house " in 
Canada. Crossing the river in bateaux which had been left 
there for the purpose, they approached the house with the rapture 
of men, now assured that they should not perish by famine.* 

Here the hungry soldiers found a plentiful supply of beef, fowls, 
butter, and vegetables. Wild with the desire to stay the gnaw- 
ings of a hunger, which, with most of them, was intolerable, they 
instantly fell upon the pro¥isions. The consequences which 
would certainly follow excess, were foreseen by most of the 
oflScers, and a number of the more prudent of the men ; and, 
as far as their influence and example would go, were guarded 
against. But to a large number, the pleadings in behalf of mode- 
ration were unheeded. Hunger had rendered them furious, vora- 
cious, insatiable, deaf to every consideration. Death itself was 
defied in the enjoyments of the moment. Morgan's company 
avoided a course so imprudent. Most of his men had served their 
military novitiate on the Virginia frontier, where they had 
frequently experienced the want of food for days together. Such 
men needed no admonitions to guard them against an over-indul- 
gence of their appetites. Those of them, however, who were s<; 
disposed, were checked by the authoritative interference of Mor- 
gan and his officers. A considerable number of the infantry and 

* Collections of Maine His. Soc, vol, i., p. 401 ; Judge Henry's Campaign, p. 72-73. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 7T 

the Pennsylvania riflemen, died from the effects of their impru- 
dence on this occasion.* 

Here were found Natalis, Sabatis, and about forty other 
Indians, whom Arnold had induced to co-operate with him. 
They subsequently marched with the army, and fought at the 
assault on Quebec. 

On the 5th of November, those of the army who were in 
a condition to move, advanced still further down the country. 
Among these, and still in the front, was Morgan's company. 
More accustomed to the toils of war than their fellow soldiers, 
and being under the command of an officer of much experience, 
who had husbanded all their resources, the men of this company, 
notwithstanding the march imposed on them, an equal share of 
its hardships, and more than a share of its labors, were less 
fatigued at its termination, than any other company in the expe- 
dition. But one man was lost during the march, and he was 
drowned when the rapids of the Chaudiere engulfed their boats. 
The other companies lost large numbers by sickness, desertion, 
starvation, and repletion. Let it not be understood by what has 
been said here, however, regarding Morgan's men, that their con- 
dition, upon arriving at Sertigan, was anything less than distress- 
ing in the extreme. 

The troops, advancing as fast as their feeble state would permit, 
arrived on the 7th at St. Henry's, four leagues from the St. Law- 
rence. Before night, the detachment, to the number of nearly 
six hundred men, reached this place and encamped. 

On the 8th, the entire force marched in compact order to a 
small hamlet, situated about a mile from Point Levi, in which 
they quartered themselves. They were joined on the march, 
and at this place, by a number of armed Canadians. 

Thus terminated one of the most extraordinary marches on record. 
In the course of eight weeks, a journey of six hundred miles was 
performed, much the greater part through an unexplored wilder- 
ness, which presented nature in her roughest and most forbidding 

• Collections of Maine His. Soc. p. 102; Judge Henry's Campaign, p. 73 — 74. 



78 THELIFEOF 

aspect. Civilization has has since done much to soften the features 
of this rugged region. At the time in question, however, the 
terrors of the scene were unrelieved by the presence of a civilized 
being, and but few of the aborigines were willing to dwell in a 
region so inhospitable. Exertions almost superhuman were 
required to overcome the difficulties of the route. Powers of 
endurance, beyond those usually vouchsafed to man, were taxed 
to the uttermost. It is true, the health and strength of this 
gallant body of men yielded beneath their toils and sufferings. 
But their courage remained uncooled, even by the rigors of a 
Canadian winter, which added its terrors to their manifold distress. 
Pressing on with a fortitude superior to every obstacle, not famine 
staring them in the face, nor the desertion of faithless friends, nor 
the uncertainties attending their advance into an enemy's country 
with numbers so reduced, could check their progress. Inspired by 
a love of their country, and of the glorious cause in which they 
were engaged, death alone could have put a period to their 
exertions. 

The march at length performed, the sufferings of the past 
served but to inspire them with a greater reliance on the future. 
And, in truth, the appearances of the moment were auspicious of 
a brilliant termination of their efforts. From the first the inhabi- 
tants received them with kindness, and evinced a friendly eager- 
ness to supply their wants. They were open in the expression of 
their hatred of the British rule ; and while many of them joined 
the expedition in arms, nearly all the remainder evinced a warm 
sympathy in its objects. The troops in Quebec were few in num- 
ber, and short of provisions ; while the inhabitants of the city 
and the vicinity were generally disaffected. News had been 
received by Arnold of the advance of Montgomery into Canada, 
and his capture of Fort Chamblee.* These encouraging circum- 
stances, and a few days' repose, soon restored to the Americans 
their wonted courage and confidence. 

The Canadians regarded with wonder and awe, a body 3f men 

* Collections of Maine Hist. Soc, vol. i, ,. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. Y9 

wlio had descended into their country through a wilderness, which 
they had hitherto considered impassable. They could not realize 
to their satisfaction the accomplishment of an undertaking so 
desperate. The strength and courage which could overcome such 
fearful obstacles, were, in the estimation of these people, equal to 
the achievement of almost any undertaking. An event which so 
severely shocked their notions of probabilities, gave rein to their 
imagination. Among other reports regarding the riflemen which 
spread abroad soon after their arrival, it was said that they were 
encased in iron. This arose from a mistake, originating in the 
sound of a word. The Canadians who first saw the riflemen, in 
their peculiar costume, noticed particularly their linen hunting 
shirts ; and afterwards spoke of them as vetus en toile. As the 
intelligence spread, the word toile {linen) was changed into tble 
(sheet iron).* 

On the morning of the 11th, a report reached head quarters, 
that the British were landing at a mill on the bank of the river, 
about a mile distant. The riflemen, seizing their arms, instantly 
proceeded at a run towards the point indicated. Morgan and the 
Indians were foremost in the race. Upon reaching the brow of 
the precipice which overlooks the river, they observed a boat 
belonging to a frigate lying at anchor about a mile below, 
approaching the shore. The boat soon struck the bank, and a 
midshipman, a lad named McKenzie, brother to the captain of the 
frigate, sprung ashore. The tide ebbing at the time, the boat's 
crew were ordered to shove ofl', and go higher up to a deeper 
landing-place. While obeying this order, they discovered the 
Americans on the bank above, and immediately pulled off shore, 
leaving their officer to his fate. Morgan, frustrated in the 
design he had formed to surprise and capture the boat's crew, now 
opened a fire upon them. The midshipman, comprehending at 
once his situation, plunged into the river, in the hope of being able 
to regain his Doat. But being deserted by the boat's crew, who 

* Sparks' Arnold, p. 46-47. 



80 THELIFEOF 

pulled out still further from the reach of danger, and noticing the 
balls which now struck the water around him in fearful proximity 
to his head, he turned towards the shore, and otherwise signified 
his willingness to surrender. The firing hereupon ceased, and the 
midshipman approached the shore, when the Indian Sabatis, scalp- 
ing knife in hand, suddenly sprang forward, with the evident 
intention of murdering and scalping the prisoner. Morgan and 
Humphreys, from the impulses of a humanity common to both, 
instantly flew to the rescue. Morgan's superior strength and 
activity enabled him, not only to outstrip his lieutenant, but to 
overtake and pass the Indian. Rushing into the river where the 
boy stood, observing the scene just described in a state of irreso- 
lution, Morgan brought him to the shore, and assured him of his 
protection. The Indian, with a menacing look, was ordered to 
relinquish his purpose, which he did, but evidently with an ill 
grace. 

The troops, wet and hungry, now returned to their quarters. 
Marching along the shore, a sloop of war, which had warped up 
the river while the events just described were occurring, suddenly 
opened a fire of ball and grape-shot upon them. Although the 
fire was very heavy, and at a short distance ; and although it took 
the men a considerable time to ascend the steep and craggy bank 
beyond the reach of danger, no one was injured.* 

During the five days which the Americans spent at Point Levi, 
Arnold was actively employed in conciliating the good will of 
the inhabitants, and in making preparations for an early move- 
ment against Quebec. The manifesto to the Canadian people, 
with copies of which Washington had furnished Arnold, was pub- 
lished. The bolder portion of the people were encouraged to arm 
and embody themselves ; and the alarm which was manifested by 
a few upon the advance of the army, speedily yielded to the 
assurances that it came to protect and not to plunder them. The 
troops were engaged, some in putting their arms and equipments 

* Henry's Campaign, p. 80-88. 



GENERAL DANIEL MOEGAN. 81 

in order, and others in making scaling-ladders. About forty- 
canoes and skiffs had been collected for the transportation of the 
troops across the St. Lawrence. But before these necessary pre- 
parations were completed, a violent gale arose, which continued 
for nearly three days, rendering the river impassable during this 
time for skiffs and canoes, such as Arnold had obtained. Two 
days passed after the troops were in readiness for action, before 
the storm abated. At length, on the 13th, the wished for moment 
arrived, the events subsequent to which will form the subject of 
the succeeding chapter. 



82 



THE LIFE OF 



CHAPTER V. 

Vigorous preparations of the enemy — Americans cross the St. Lawrence — Morgan pro- 
poses an immediate assault upon the town — Capture of Caldwell's house — Demonstra- 
tion before the the town — Altercation between Morgan and Arnold — Americans retire 
to Point aux Trembles — On the arrival of Gen. Montgomery, they return and lay siege 
to Quebec — It is at length resolved to assault the town — The dispositions with this 
object, axid the attack — Arnold, struck down, is succeeded in the command by Morgan 
— His intrepid conduct during the assault — Captures the first barrier — Advances against 
the second barrier — Encounters a body of the enemy — Morgan shoots their officer — 
Bloody encounter at the second barrier — Americans repulsed — Are at length sur- 
rounded by the enemy, to whom they surrender — The progress of Montgomei'y's divi- 
sion — Reflections. 

When the advance of the expedition had reached Dead river, 
Arnold dispatched two Indians from that point to Canada, with 
letters, one to Gen. Schuyler, apprising that officer of the progress 
which had been made, and the probable time it would take 
to reach the St. Lawrence ; and the other to Mr. Mercier, a gen- 
tleman in Quebec, favorable to the cause of the colonists. These 
Indians are believed to have been in the interest of the Canadian 
authorities, for the letters never reached the persons to whom 
they were addressed, and were, probably, delivered, the one 
for Gen. Schuyler to Col. McLean, at the Sorel ; and that for 
Mr. Mercier, to Lieut.-Gov. Cramahe, commanding at Quebec, 
in the absence of Sir Guy Carleton. Certain it is, that about the 
time when the Indians could have reached their respective desti- 
nations, the authorities of Canada became apprised of their dan- 
ger, and took instant measures to avert it. To this unfortunate 
step on the part of Arnold, may, with justice, be attributed 



GENEEAL. DANIEL MORGAN. S3 

the failures which attended the eflforts to accomplish the main 
object of the expedition.* 

No sooner was Col. McLean apprised of the movement against 
Quebec, than he determined to descend the river in all haste, 
to the defence of that place. On the third day after the Ameri- 
cans had reached the St. Lawrence* and while they were waiting 
for the storm to subside, to enable them to cross the river, Col. 
McLean, with one hundred and seventy men of his regiment of 
emigrants, passed down and entered Quebec. Lieut.-Gov. Cra- 
mahe had been equally prompt and energetic. When the 
approach of the expedition was announced' to him, there was not 
a single soldier in the town. On the 5th of November, a vessel 
arrived from Newfoundland, bringing one hundred and fifty men, 
chiefly carpenters. These men were instantly employed in repair- 
ing the defences, and in making platforms for the cannon. A 
frigate, two sloops-of-war, and one or two smaller armed vessels, 
were lying at Quebec at the time. These vessels were anchored 
opposite the town, in positions to guard the river for some 
distance above Wolf's Cove, while between four hundred and five 
hundred of their crews were landed to man the defences. Armed 
boats w^ere kept constantly on the move, to guard against a pas- 
sage of the river ; the more eftectually to prevent which, all the 
bateaux, boats, and canoes, found on the south bank of the river, 
had been withdrawn to the opposite shore. The inhabitants were 
invited to embody themselves, and to assist in repelling the 
threatened attack. About one hundred and seventy residents, 
chiefly English and Scotch, responded to the call ; but the Cana- 
dians evinced no inclination to follow their example. It was only 
upon the threat of being expelled, with their families, from the 
town, that about six hundred of them reluctantly took up arms. 

On the afternoon of the 13th, the storm having subsided, 
Arnold gave orders to prepare for a movement. At nine o'clock 
that night, the troops paraded on the beach of the St. Lawrence, 

♦ Marshall's Washington, yd., ii., p. 819; Sparks's Arnold, p. 84. 



84 THELIFEOF 

where the canoes lay ready to convey them across the river. 
Morgan and his command of riflemen were the first to embark. 
The river at this point is about two miles wide, and the current, 
at ebb tide, very rapid. The course of the boats lay between the 
frigate and one of the sloops-of-war. Had they been discovered, 
the guns of the ships could have blown them out of the water 
But, favored by the darkness of the night, they fortunately slipped 
through unperceived, and, in about an hour, landed at Wolf's 
Cove.* 

Immediately on reaching the shore, Morgan dispatched Lieut. 
Heth, with a few men, towards the town, to reconnoitre. Pickets 
and sentries were sent to the plains above, and along the shore 
above and below the landing place, to guard against surprise. 
The remainder of the troops, finding a large uninhabited house on 
the spot, entered, and having lit a fire, awaited the arrival of the 
main body. 

About one o'clock, the boats reached the place of rendezvous a 
a second time, bringing over Colonels Arnold and Green, and 
about one hundred and sixty men. Immediately returning, the 
boats again approached the shore about four o'clock, freighted 
with another division of the men, when they were discovered 
by one of the enemy's guard-boats. A fire immediately opened 
on both sides. It continued, however, only a few minutes ; at 
the lapse of which the enemy rowed off", with a loss of three men 
killed. 

At this time, about one hundred and fifty men of the detach- 
ment, and all the scaling-ladders, still remained to be brought 
across the river. But, the discovery which had just been made — 
the light of the moon, which, having risen, now shone brightly — 
and the difficulties presented by the tide, which ran out with 
gread rapidity, altogether rendered the passage of the river again, 
on that occasion, a measure too hazardous to be attempted. A 
boat was, however, sent to the men, informing them of what had 

• Collection of Maine His. Soc, vol. i. p. 403-4 ; MSS. Henry's Expedition, j. 88. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 85 

occurred, and directing them to await a more favorable occasion 
for crossing. 

During the period between the departure of the boats and their 
arrival for the third time, Morgan's party returned from their 
reconnoissance, and reported that everything was quiet nejr the 
city.* It became evident, then, that the enemy were not aware 
of the passage of the river by the Americans ; and, consequently, 
that they were unprepared for any hostile measures which might 
now be taken against them. A state of things so favorable to the 
capture of Quebec, suggested to the active mind of Morgan the 
propriety of an immediate advance with that object, as soon as 
the detachment, then crossing the river, had landed. On making 
known his views in a council of the officers, only those of the 
riflemen, and a few others of subordinate rank, gave them any 
countenance. From the time Arnold learned that his advance 
against Quebec had been discovered by the enemy, he gave up all 
design of taking the place by surprise or assault. At this time, 
he contemplated nothing beyond investing the town, and cutting 
oft' its communications with the country, until the co-operation 
of Montgomery could be had.f The bold proposition was, there- 
fore, coldly received both by himself and the principal officers 
present. It was, however, still under consideration, when the dis- 
covery by the British guard-boat and the tiring took place. 
It being naturally supposed, after these events, that the alarm 
thus occasioned would speedily spread to the town, an advance to 
the assault found few advocates, and was generally condemned. 
Notwithstanding the numerous reasons which existed for believ- 
ing that the enemy were on the alert, it appeared the next day, 
that they had been entirely unconscious of the passage of the 
river by the Americans, and of the conflict with the guard-boat, 
until several hours elapsed after the occurrence of these events. 
The entrance to the town, called St. John's Gate, had been 
open during the whole night, the only defence of which was a 

• Judge Hepry's ExpedltioD, p. 86. t Collections of Maine His. Soc, p. 871-372. 



86 THELIFEOF 

gun, guarded by a drowsy walch.* The impression soon became 
fixed, that had they, upon landing, marched immediately against 
the town, they might have captured it with the greatest ease. 

Under the belief that there was nothing to gain by further 
concealment, Morgan was ordered to advance towards the town, 
and to make observations. At the head of his company, he pro- 
ceeded about half a mile to a large pile of wooden buildings, with 
numerous out-houses, the property of Lieut. Gov. Caldwell. On 
approaching nearer, it was found that the premises were guarded 
by a body of soldiers. Advancing towards the main entrance, he 
was discovered by the guard, challenged, and fired upon ; but, 
rushing forward, he entered the house at the head of his com- 
pany, and captured the guard without loss or injury. 

The main body had, in the mean time, ascended from the bank 
of the river, and advanced in the direction of the town. Most of 
them took up their quarters in Caldwell's house, and the rest in 
some buildings in the vicinity. 

During the morning, Arnold received information that Colonel 
McLean, with six hundred men, and some field-pieces, was com- 
ing out that day to attack him.f Preparations were accordingly 
made to receive the enemy. Pickets and sentries were posted at 
all the approaches, while the main body was held in readiness for 
instant action. One of Morgan's men, named George Merchant, 
having been placed on guard in a thicket near the suburb of St. 
John, was surprised and captured in the afternoon, by a party of 
the garrison, who sallied from the town for the purpose. By the 
time the alarm reached the American quarters, the occurrence 
had magnified into the expected approach of the enemv. The 
men were instantly under arms, eager to meet the threatened 
attack. But the British did not appear. Arnold now deter- 
mined to approach the town, and to invite a conflict. Should the 
garrison decline the challenge, he was not without hope that hia 

* Henry's Expedition, p, 85. 

t Collection of Maine Historical Society, vol. p. 874. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 87 

advance would evoke a demonstration in bis favor by tbe inbabi- 
tants. As tbe troops drew near, bundreds of citizens were 
observed on tbe parapet. A loud buzza arose from tbe citizens, 
wbicb was responded to by tbe Americans witb tbree cbeers. But 
tbe hoped-for movement, eitber by tbe soldiery or tbe inbabitants, 
did not take place. Tbe time bad not arrived for tbe people to 
take a decisive part in tbe struggle ; and if tbe Britisb commander 
ever felt an inclination to imitate tbe conduct of Montcalm, 
on tbe same ground, and under similiar circumstances, tbe fate of 
tbat gallant officer and bis command furnisbed a sahitary warning 
against unnecessary risk, and, doubtless, quickly repressed tbe 
feeling. Tbe only response wbicb be voucbsafed to tbe demon- 
strations of tbe Americans, was discbarges of cannon from tbe 
batteries. Tbis scene lasted for about an bour, wben tbe 
Americans at lengtb withdrew from tbe ground, and retired to 
tbeir quarters. 

As tbe Britisb party returned witb tbeir prisoner to tbe town, 
tbey were pursued by tbe American guard into tbe suburb St. 
Johns, wbere, tbe party being reinforced by the garrison, an ani- 
mated contest commenced and was maintained for some time. 
Fearing tbat the Americans might effect a lodgment in the 
suburb, tbe enemy at length set fire to the bouses, and retired 
within their works. 

Tbe events of tbis day terminated with the transmission, by 
Arnold, of a letter witb an officer and a flag, to Lieutenant Gov- 
ernor Cramabe, summoning him to surrender the town. Tbis 
officer, deeming it prudent to avoid all communication with the 
Americans, fired upon tbe flag as it approached. 

The circumstance under which Merchant was captured, reflected 
less upon tbe vigilance of the soldier than upon the judgment of 
tbe officer of the day, who placed the man in a situation, unfavor- 
able for observation, but well calculated to lead to such an event 
as tbat which occurred. Merchant was a tall, handsome man, 
and from his bravery and good conduct, a favorite with Morgan. 



88 THELIFEOF 

He was sent, a few days after, hunting-shirt, leggins, moccasins 
and all, to England, probably as a finished specimen of -the rifle- 
men of the colonies.* 

It appears that Morgan was much dissatisfied with the progress 
of affairs up to this time. From information received during the 
day, it became apparent, that had his advice been followed, the 
town might have been surprised and taken. He was exceedingly 
angry at the capture of Merchant, and inveighed in a character- 
istic style at the officer, whose " stupidity " caused him the loss 
of a valuable man. The disappointment of his expectations of a 
conflict on the Plains, and the occurrence of what he conceived 
to be the senseless parade before the walls of the town, did not 
contribute to restore his good humor. He was in this state of 
mind when his men complained to him, that notwithstanding the 
large supplies of flour which had recently been received, they 
were still kept on the short allowance of a pint a day, which had 
been observed in the latter part of the march to the head waters 
of the Kennebec. Accompanied by Captains Hendricks and 
Smith, he waited on Arnold, and after representing the facts of 
the case, demanded redress. If the matter complained of could 
have been traced to its source, it probably would have proved a 
part of that system of peculation, which Arnold seldom lost an 
opportunity of practising. At first he evaded, and at length, 
bluntly refused a compliance with Morgan's request. A violent 
altercation ensued, during which Morgan appeared to be on the 
point of striking Arnold. Language of defiance passed from 
Morgan as he and his officers left head quarters. The next day, 
and thereafter, however, the riflemen were served with a full 
allowance of provisions.f 

Nothing worthy of notice transpired during the 15th, save the 
transmission of another flag to Quebec, summoning the town 
to surrender. The bearer was treated as on the previous occasion 
of the kind, and narrowly escaped with his life. 

♦ Henry's Expedition, pp. 86-87. t Henry's Expedition, p. 98. 



GENEKAL DANIEL MORGAN. ^'0 

On the day following, the troops were disposed between the 
St. Lawrence and the St. Charles, so as to interrupt communica- 
tion between the city and the country. The riflemen removed 
from Caldwell's house to one about half a mile in the rear, where 
they obtained excellent quarters. The nunnery near the St. 
Charles was occupied as an hospital. A large log-house between 
the nunnery and the city was taken possession of by the riflemen 
as a guard-house and post of defence. On this day, Sergeant 
Dixon, of Smith's company, while crossing the St. Charles 
with a few men in a ferry-boat, had his leg taken off by a 
cannon ball, fired from one of the guns at Palace Gate. He 
died the next day.* This was the first man of the expedition 
who fell by the hands of the enemy. Merchant was the first 
man captured.f 

During the two days which succeeded, the troops, their anns, 
ammunition, &c., underwent an inspection. To Arnold's surpiise, 
it was discovered, that nearly all the cartridges were spoiled, there 
not remaining, fit for use, more than five rounds to a man ; that 
the rifle powder had also suffered damage ; and that nearly one 
fourth of the muskets and rifles were unserviceable. All of the 
troops were deficient in the clothing necessary for the rigor of the 
season, and some of them were nearly naked.]; Many of the men 
were sick, and the list was rapidly increasing. News was 
received on the 18th, that Montgomery had entered Montreal. 
But this cheering intelligence was qualified by the information, 
that Carleton, with two hundred men, had escaped, and was then 
descending the river to Quebec.§ At the same time, the rumor 

* Although but a sergeant in the expedition, Dixon was a gentleman of education 
and good property. In illustration of the spirit which actuated the men of these times, 
an anecdote is related of this patriotic soldier, which is worth repeating. No American 
need be informed that a tax on tea contributed largely towards bringing about an appeal 
to arms between the colonies and Great Britain. The lady who ministered to the wants 
and comforts of the dying man, presented him, among other things, with a bowl of tea. 
The beverage was respectfully but finally declined, with the observation, " No, madam ; 
it is the ruin of my country." — Henry^s Expedition, p. 93. 

t Henry's Expedition, pp. 90-92. 

X Marshall's Washington, vol. ii., p. 323. § Sparks's Arnold, p. 4T. 



90 THELIFEOP 

of an intended attack from the town' was renewed, with increased 
probabilities of its truth. Under these circumstances, Arnold 
resolved to retire to Point aux Trembles, a position beyond 
striking distance of the city, and where he could safely await the 
promised co-operation of the victorious Montgomery.* 

On the 19th, the main body marched towards Point aux Trem- 
bles. The detachment which was left on the south bank of the 
river on the morning of the 14th, had crossed the day before, and 
now marched with their companions. Morgan and his riflemen 
remained on the ground for an hour after the main body had 
been in motion, when they also set forward, covering the retreat. 
About mid-day, as the troops were marching along the bank of 
the river, a large boat with sails, and soon afterwards, a scow were 
observed descending the stream under a press of sail. On their 
arrival at Point aux Trembles, they were informed that these 
vessels bore Gov. Carleton and his men to Quebec, and that they 
had left that place but a few hours before. The statement 
received an unusual confirmation, shortly afterwards, from the 
cannon which welcomed Carleton's arrival at Quebec, the reports 
of which were plainly heard at Point aux Trembles. 

Here comfortable quarters for the troops were obtained. Tight 
houses and warm fires compensated in a degree for want of 
clothing, and good provisions were in plenty. The succeeding ten 
days were passed without the occurrence of any remarkable inci- 
dent, when, on the first of December, General Montgomery arrived. 
This oflicer, having garrisoned Montreal, marched without delay 
with the residue of his army, amounting only to three hundred 
men, to join Arnold. Three armed schooners, laden with artillery, 
ammunition, provisions, and clothing for Arnold's command, left 
Montreal when the General moved towards Quebec, with directions 
to follow him down the river.f 

The troops were paraded to receive the general, who addressed 
them with a brief but impressive speech, in which he praised the 
spirit they had displayed on the march through the wilderness ; 

* Henry's Expedition, p. 94. t Henry's Expedition, p. 98. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 91 

expressed the hope that this spirit would continue ; and conchided 
by observing that he had ordered them a supply of warm clothing, 
which he expected to arrive in a few days. A new life was 
infused into the whole corps by this spirit-stirring speech, which 
was responded to by loud cheers. 

The next morning, Morgan, with the riflemen, was ordered to 
advance towards Quebec. The main body followed the day after. 
Although the walking was exceedingly fatiguing, from the large 
quantity of snow which had fallen during the preceding week, the 
riflemen pushed forward with such activity, that before sunset, 
they reached a settlement in the parish of St. Foix, about three 
miles from Quebec, where they quartered for the night. The next 
morning, Morgan advanced, and took a position nearer to the city, 
where he remained until joined by the army.* The return of 
the Americans so soon was unexpected by the enemy ; and in 
consequence, one of their picket guards and a number of straggling 
soldiers were surprised and taken prisoners. 

On the 5th, General Montgomery, with the army, arrived before 
Quebec. At this time, his whole efiective force did not exceed 
nine hundred and seventy-five men. But, confident in himself and 
in the intrepidity of his men — reckoning, too, upon the fears or 
the privations of the garrison, and upon the disaffection of the 
inhabitants, he made immediate preparations for investing the 
town. Some days elapsed before the vessels, laden with the 
artillery, stores, and clothing, arrived. During this time, the 
garrison was summoned to surrender. The governor answered 
by firing on the bearer of the summons. A message of similar 
import, introduced through the agency of an inhabitant of the 
town, proved equally ineffectual. But the expected vessels at 
length arriving, their cargoes landed, and the troops supplied with 
warm clothing, the operations against Quebec were pushed with 
vigor. 

The American lines extended across the peninsula on which the 

* Henry's Expedition, p. 99. 



92 THELIFEOF 

town stands : the right, with Montgomery's troops, on the St. 
Lawrence ; the centre, with Arnold's New England infantry ; and 
*he left, with Morgan's riflemen, on the St. Charles. At first, the 
riflemen took post in a large stone house. But being within 
range of the enemy's guns, it was speedily battered about their 
heads. They changed their position the next morning to one 
more secure, though nearer to the enemy's jvorks. 

On the morning of the lYth, Captain Lamb, with his artillery 
company and a strong fatigue party, had succeeded in constructing 
on the plains, distant from St. John's Gate about six hundred 
yards, a battery of snow, in which were mounted five nine- 
pounders and a howitzer. The work had been performed the 
night previous. The earth was frozen so hard, that it was found 
to be impossible to pierce it with the entrenching tools. The only 
resort was snow, which, having been fashioned into the required 
shape, was rendered comparatively solid by the addition of water. 
The guns had opened on the city but a short time, however, before 
the battery was pierced several times by the weightier metal of 
the enemy. Yet the efforts of the Americans were persisted in 
with manly resolution, although it was pei'ceptible that the efiect 
of their fire was feeble. About two hundred shells were thrown 
into the town at difterent times. At length a ball pierced the 
battery, killing three men, when a further prosecution of the 
bombardment was relinquished. 

Every day, a skirmish, more or less serious, took place between 
the riflemen and that portion of the garrison who were stationed 
in the neighborhood of Palace Gate. In these encounters, the 
riflemen did not escape loss ; neither did they suffer unavenged. 
They harassed the enemy constantly, few of the latter making 
their appearance within gun-shot, that were not either killed or 
wounded. 

The affairs of the Americans had now reached a crisis, which 
required, either an abandonment of the siege, or the adoption of 
measures more prompt and vigorous. The men began to regard 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 93 

the prospect of success as exceedingly gloomy. The snow was 
continually falling, and the weather grew colder as the season 
advanced. The hardships and fatigues which the troops were 
obliged to encounter, surpass belief, as they defy description. From 
these causes, a large number were in the general hospital. That 
nothing might be wanting to fill the measure of their afflictions 
to the brim, the small-pox broke out in the camp, and spread with 
great rapidity. An order was subsequently issued, that those who 
had contracted the disease, should wear a sprig of hemlock in 
their hats, that others might recognize and avoid them.* In spite 
of the patriotic feelings which warmed their hearts and nerved their 
arms, many of them looked forward with impatience for the period, 
then near at hand, when by the expiration of their term of ser- 
vice, they could escape such an accumulation of hardships and 
horrors. Many of those who remained for a longer period, looked 
with composure at death, if no other means availed to free them 
from their suflferings. Vain were the efforts of the officers to 
induce men to re-enlist. The patriotism of 1775 seemed almost 
extinguished amid the snows of 1776. The riflemen consented to 
remain with the general, even though he should be deserted by 
the Eastern men. But this praiseworthy example found few or no 
imitators among the latter .f 

Under these circumstances, a council of war took into con- 
sideration the propriety of an early attempt to carry the town by 
assault. A number of the officers were opposed to such an attempt. 
But a majority of them, and among the rest, Montgomery, Arnold, 
Morgan, Febriger and the captains of the rifle companies, were 
warmly in favor of giving it a trial. Morgan, who was ever the 
advocate of decisive measures, spoke with warmth and force in 
favor of an assault. He reminded the officers of the opportunity 
which the first night of their landing afforded them of taking the 
city, had they but resolved to make the attempt. After adverting 
to the prospects of success which the circumstances of the adverse 

♦ 3e Botta, vol. i., p. 124. t Henry's Expedition, p. 113. 



94 THELIFEOF 

forces afforded them, he concluded by remarking upon the great 
amount of government property which was stored in Quebec, and 
upon the rights which the usages of war conferred upon those 
who storm a fortified town. These latter considerations had their 
du^ weight; and the proposition was at length unanimously 
assented to. 

The plan of attack first adopted, contemplated z. simultaneous 
assault, by four divisions, upon the upper n-ji lower towns. 
Through the communicativeness of some of the f'fEcevs, this plan 
soon became generally known to the men, one c/ whom deserted, 
and imparted it to the enemy. The general, prudently giving out 
that tJie man had gone under his instructions, to gain liitelligence, 
conferred with his principal officers in forming a t^ew plan of 
attack. It was now resolved, that two light division^.^ should make 
a feigned attack on St. Johns and Cape Diamond, the two impor- 
tant points on the upper town ; while the main body, divided into 
two columns, were to make the real assault on opposite points of 
the lower town. It was further agreed, that the attack should be 
made by night, and on the occurrence of the first snow storm.* 

It was not until the night of the 30th of December, that such 
weather occurred as was required in making the assault. The 
early part of this night was mild and clear, while the moon shed 
a bright light upon the snow-clad scene. But about midnight, 
the heavens became suddenly overcast, and soon after, snow began 
to descend upon the wings of a fierce and bitingly cold northeast 
wind. At the well-known signal, the troops silently assembled ; 
and by two o'clock, they were accoutered and ready to advance to 
their retepective positions.f 

Colonel Livingston, with one hundred and sixty Canadians, and 
Major Brown, with a small detachment of Massachusetts troops, 
received directions to march against the upper town, the Colonel 
at St. Johns Gate, and the Major at Cape Diamond ; and at the 
signal for a general movement, to advance and attract the atten- 

* Henry's Expedition, p. 112. t Henry's Expeu'ition, pp. llS-114. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 95 

tion of the enemy in that quarter by noisy demonstrations. 
Arnold's command, divided into two battalions, assembled at the 
guard-house, at St. Roch. In front was the colonel, and Brigade 
Major Ogden, with a storming party of thirty men. Captain 
Lamb's artillery company, with a gun mounted on a sled, suc- 
ceeded in the line ; and next in order were the riflemen, with 
Morgan at their head. This force constituted the first battalion. 
The second, composed of the New England infantry, under Colonel 
Green and Major Meigs, brought up the rear. The riflemen were 
furnished with scaling-ladders,* and each man of Morgan's com- 
pany carried a spontoon in addition to his rifle. Arnold was to 
advance along the river St. Charles, and to assault the barriers 
at the northern and western extremities of the lower town. Mont- 
gomery, with four battalions of New York troops, and a part of 
Colonel Easton's regiment, formed on the plains near the St. 
Lawrence. He was to proceed along the margin of the St. Law- 
rence, by the way of Anse des Meres, around the base of Cape 
Diamond, near which was a strong defence. The general was 
accompanied at the head of his storming party by Captain Cheese- 
man, Major McPherson, and Mr. Aaron Burr.* 

The preconcerted signal having been given, at 5 o'clock on the 
morning of the 31st, and in the midst of a terrific snow storm, the 
divisions advanced intrepidly to the assault. 

Col. Livingston and Major Brown executed the duties respect- 
ively assigned them with promptitude. Owing, however, to the 
nature of their orders and to the smallness of their forces, they 
were unable to produce such an efiect as, under the first plan of 
attack, and with a force sufficiently strong, it became apparent 
was practicable. Relying with too much confidence on the simple 
appearance of the strong works on these points, or divining the 
<i'ue character of the assault, the garrison left them ahnost entirely 
defenceless, and concentrated in the lower town. Half an hour 
had elapsed after Colonel Livingston had arrived opposite Cape 

• CollecUons of Maine Hist. Soc, vol. i., pp. 406-407. 



96 THELIFEOF 

Diamond ; yet with all the noise which his men could produce, he 
was unable to attract the slightest notice from the enemy, so com- 
pletely unprepared were they to resist an assault at this point. 

Arnold's division moved forward along the road through St. 
Roch. Before the head of the division passed Palace Gate, the 
garrison became aware of their danger, as was evidenced by the 
ringing of the bells of the town, and the furious cannonade which was 
opened from the works above, in the direction of the assailants. The 
lat*er, however, with their arms secured under the skirts of their 
coats, from the effects of the snow, advanced in single file along 
the narrow and difficult way between the precipice and the frozen 
shore of the Bay of St. Charles. But for the impossibility of dis- 
tinguishing objects at any distance, from the darkness of the night, 
and the heaviness of the snow-storm, the Americans could have 
been easily destroyed by the fire of the batteries. As it was, they 
lost a number of men from the random discharijes of cannon and 
musketry. Proceeding rapidly, they at length arrived at the first 
barrier, from which, as they approached, was opened on them a 
smart discharge of musketry. Instead of rushing forward in dis- 
regard of this fire, the American storming party halted, and com- 
menced a useless fusillade against the barrier. Before Arnold 
could correct the error, and put the front in motion again, he 
received a ball in the leg, which, shattering the bone, brought him 
to the ground. The momentary confusion caused by these events, 
brought Morgan to the front, just as Arnold was struck down. It 
was at this crisis in the conflict, that Morgan, at the instance and 
in compliance with the express wishes of all the field officers of 
the division who were present, assumed the direction of the 
assault. " They would not take the command," he observes, in a 
short sketch written by himself, of his early military career, 
" alleging that I had seen service and they had not, which reflected 
credit on their judgment." Morgan now raised his voice, always 
terrible in the hour of battle, and which was heard above the din 
of arms, ordering his riflemen to the front. They obeyed the 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 97 

summons with a cheer, and without a moment's hesitation or delay, 
rushed over the barrier, driving before them like chaff the enemy- 
posted there. A short distance beyond the barrier, was a battery 
extending across the road, and flanked by the houses on either side, 
on which was mounted two twelve-pounders. As the riflemen 
advanced against this battery, the guns, charged with grape and 
canister, opened on them. The first gun was elevated too high, 
and did no injury ; the other flashed without discharging, when 
the riflemen reached the wall, and ph'inted their ladders. Morgan 
ordered a man near him to ascend one of the ladders. Perceiving 
that the soldier reluctantly obeyed, Morgan pulled him down, and 
stepping on the ladder himself, shouted to his men, " Now, boys, 
follow me !" The ladders were instantly manned. As soon as 
Morgan's head appeared above the wall, a platoon of musketry 
was fired at him from within. So close was the discharge, that 
the fire scorched his hair, and grains of powder were imbedded in 
his face. But this was the only injury he sustained, although one 
ball passed through the top of his cap, and another grazed the 
left side of his face, cutting ofi' a lock of his hair. The concussion 
was so great, however, as to knock him from the top of the ladder 
down into the snow below. For a moment the ascent was checked, 
in the belief that he was killed. But he was instantly on his feet 
again, and had recommenced ascending the ladder. Another cheer 
rose from his men as they followed his example. Keeping his 
head down until he reached a step near the top of the ladder, he 
made a spring and bounded over the wall among the enemy. He 
was instantly followed by his men, among the foremost of whom 
were Cadet Porterfield and Lieutenant Heth. Morgan, in his 
descent, alighted on one of the cannon, under the muzzle of which 
he fell, severely hurt by a contusion on the knee. A dozen bayo- 
nets were instantly levelled at him ; but the situation in which he 
fell created a delay, sufficiently long to enable his men, who now 
came pouring over the wall, to rescue him and attack*his assailants.* 

*Dr. HiU. 



98 THELIFEOF 

The enemy, daunted by the impetuosity of the assault, made but a 
feeble resistance, and at length fled into a building flanking the bat- 
tery, from the windows of which, however, they renewed the conflict. 
They were speedily dislodged by the riflemen, who, by Morgan's 
orders, fired a volley into the house, which was followed by a 
charge with their spontoons. The enemy were driven through 
the building, and out at the rear into a neighboring street. Mor- 
gan ran through a sally port at one end of the battery, and thence 
round the corner of a building. Here, as he anticipated, he met 
the retreating British, whom he ordered, in a menacing tone, to 
surrender, if they expected quarter. Captain McCloud and about 
30 of his men were thus made prisoners. 

In the capture of this post, an important advantage had been 
gained ; and had the main body of the division but followed and sup- 
ported the riflemen, its united strength could have easily made head 
against the panic-stricken foe, and captured the lower town. Oidy 
Morga-'s company, a part of Captain Smith's under command of 
Lieutenant Steel, and a few bold spirits from different parts of the 
division, had advanced thus far. The remainder had either halted 
on the road, or lost their way. Morgan, nevertheless, pressed for- 
ward in the streets within the captured defences, and to the neigh- 
borhood of the second barrier and battery. But the darkness and 
his ignorance of the course to be pursued, and the defences to be 
encountered, rendered a further advance with so small a force, too 
hazardous to be attempted. He was now joined by Captain Hen- 
dricks and the remainder of the riflemen. But the force was still 
too weak in the opinion of most of the officers, to justify an imme- 
diate advance. " Here," Morgan observes in the sketch already 
quoted, " I was ordered to wait for General Montgomery : and a 
fatal order it was. It prevented me from taking the garrison, as 
I had already captured half the town. The sally port through the 
(second) barrier," he continues, " was standing open ; the guard 
had left it, aifd the people were running from the upper town in 
whole platoons, giving themselves up as prisoners, to get out of 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 99 

the way of the confusion which might shortly ensue. I went up 
to the edge of the upper town incog.^ with an interpreter, to see 
what was going on, as the firing had ceased. Finding no person 
in arms at all, 1 returned and called a council of what few officers 
I had with me ; for the greater part of our force had missed their 
way, and had not got into the town. Here I was overruled by 
sound judgment and good reasoning. It was said, in the first 
place, that if I went on, I should break orders ; in the next, that I 
had more prisoners than I had men ; and that if I left them, they 
might break out, retake the battery we had just captured, and cut 
off our retreat. It was further urged, that Gen. Montgomery was 
certainly coming down along the shore of the St. Lawrence, and 
would join us in a few minutes ; and that we were sure of conquest, 
if we acted with caution and prudence. To these good reasons, I 
gave up my own opinion, and lost the town." 

The situation of aftairs with Morgan grew every moment more 
critical. The main body of the division had not joined him. 
Nothing had as yet been heard from Montgomery. The firing 
had ceased in every quarter ; and this circumstance added to the 
uncertainty which prevailed regarding the movements either of 
friends or enemies, rendered the men uneasy, and filled their 
minds with undefinable apprehensions. The piercing cold of the 
weather was aggravated by the blinding snow ; and standing 
inactive, exposed to the rigors of the storm, they soon became 
chilled to the bone ; while from the same cause, their fire-arms 
were rendered almost entirely unserviceable. Their situation was 
one well calculated to make the boldest quail. Morgan was 
among the few who resisted the growing panic. He revived the 
drooping courage of his men by a few spirit-stirring remarks, 
assuring them of complete success if they would but be firai. 
He now hastened back on the route of the advance, to find and 
spur on those who still remained behind. On the outskirts of 
the town he found Colonel Green and Major Meigs, with about 
two hundred of the New England troops, who immediately 
P'jshed forward under his guidance to the first barrier. 



100 THE LIFE OF 

It, was here resolved, after a short consultation, to penetrate 
still further into the town, the riflemen in advance, supported by 
the infantry. Day began to dawn, as Morgan with his men 
moved towards the enemy's second defensive position. At this 
point was a barrier, eight or ten feet high, erected across, and 
near the termination of a narrow street, which led by a steep 
ascent into the ;entre of the lower town. Behind this some 
yards, and upon /round on a level with the top of the barrier, had 
been constructed a platform, on which were planted two twelve 
pounders. The position and strength of these defences were 
noted an hour before by Morgan, when he passed them to recon- 
noitre the upper town. They were then left defenceless, having 
been abandoned when the first barrier and battery were taken. 
But, in the meantime. Gen. Montgomery's division had been 
repulsed ; and the garrison in this quarter having been reinforced 
by the victors, they took heart again, and re-manned their works, 
which, unfortunately, had not been occupied by the assailants. 
I Growing more confident, a party of the garrison, under Lieut. 
Anderson, sallied through the barrier, for the purpose of attack- 
ing the Americans, whom they expected to find dispersed, and 
probably plundering the town. They had just issued through 
the sally port into the street, when they suddenly encountered 
Morgan, advancing at the head of his men. Anderson, stepping 
forward, commanded the Americans to lay down their arms. 
Snatching a rifle from the hands of one of his men, Morgan 
replied by shooting him through the head, stretching him lifeless 
on the ground. The British hereupon hastily retreated within 
the barrier, when a fierce and bloody conflict commenced^; From 
the windows of the houses on both sides of the street, and through 
the loop-holes in the barrier, was opened a murderous fire upon 
the Americans, who, cooped up in a street not more than thirty 
feet wide, hardly left space for a shot to ftill harmless. Unshaken 
by the difficulties opposed to their progress, and by the loss they 
had already sustained, the riflemen prepared to assault the bar- 
rier. The few scaling-ladders which Morgan's company alone 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 101 

had brought thus far, were placed against the wall. On these, 
and on a mound which Lieut. Humphreys and a few men had 
hastily erected, a body of the men, headed by Morgan, Hendricks, 
Steel, Humphreys, Heth, and Porterfield, made a desperate 
attempt to scale the barrier. Their appearance above the wall 
was followed by a discharge of grape from the guns of the bat- 
tery, and a heavy fire from the windows on each side ; while 
beneath they beheld a double row of bayonets, ready to receive 
them should they descend. It was impossible, from the want of 
a sufficiency of ladders, for the few hardy spirits who had gone 
thus far, to proceed against such terrible obstacles, and the 
attempt was relinquished. The riflemen, and others who sup- 
ported the storming party, had not been idle in the meantime. 
The accuracy of their aim compelled the enemy to desert their 
battery before they had fired three rounds. But the fire from 
the windows and loopholes could not be so easily checked or 
counteracted, while it was constantly adding to the number 
of their killed and wounded. It was about this period of the 
strife that Humphreys fell, mortally wounded. A large number 
of the men had also fallen. The survivors, dispirited by their 
want of success, now threw themselves into the houses on each 
side, which afforded them a shelter both from the storm and the 
enemy. From the windows of these houses, they renewed the 
contest; and it was during this time that the enemy suffered 
most severely. But, even here, some valuable lives were lost on 
the part of the Americans. Capt. Hendricks, while aiming his 
rifle at an object, was pierced through the heart by a random 
shot. Their fire, however, had caused the enemy at the barrier, 
as well as those in the battery, to retire under cover. Morgan, 
furious at his repulse, refused to retire into the houses ; and, with 
a few of his bravest officers and soldiers, remained opposite the 
barrier. Perceiving that the moment was favorable for renew- 
ing the attack, he called, in a voice louder than the tempest, 
on those in the houses to come forth and scale the barrier. But 



102 THE LIFE OF 

he called in vaii?. Neither exhortations nor reproaches could 
produce the desired effect. The repulse, the loss, the severity 
of the storm, and weariness, with a hopelessness of success, had 
disheartened the most audacious. Being, at length, compelled to 
relinquish all present designs against the barrier, he ordered the 
few brave men who still stood by him to join their comrades in 
the houses, while he, accompanied only by Lieut. Heth, returned 
towards the first barrier, in order to concert with the field 
officers, some plan for drawing off the troops. At this point 
were Majors Bigelow and Meigs, who concurred with him in the 
expediency of an immediate retreat. A preliminary step in car- 
rying this resolution into effect, being the withdrawal of the 
troops from the houses near the second barrier, Lieut. Heth was 
dispatched to perform this duty. Great as were the hazards to 
be encountered in proceeding to the troops in the face of the 
enemy, Heth met them manfully. But, notwithstanding all his 
efforts, only a few of the men could be prevailed on to expose 
themselves to the tempest of shot which must necessarily be 
encountered, in gaining the bend in the street, a short distance in 
front of the barrier. Once beyond this bend, there was no longer 
any danger ; and, could they have shaken off the despondency 
which deterred them from promptly following Lieut. Heth, they 
and their companions at the first barrier might have effected 
their retreat. But, while the precious moments left them for 
escape were wasted in indecision. Captain Law, with two hundred 
of the garrison, and two field- pieces, sallied from Palace Gate; 
and Captain Dearborn, who, with his company, was held in 
reserve near this place, having surrendered, all retreat in that 
direction was completely cut off. 

The Americans now found themselves encircled by enemies, far 
their superior in numbers, and confident from the favorable turn 
which their affairs had taken. Morgan's unconquerable spirit 
rose with the emergency. In a council of the officers then pre- 
sent, which took into consideration the desperate state of their 



GENERAL DANIEL MOEGAN. 103 

affairs, he proposed to assemble immediately as many officers and 
men as could be collected, and to cut their way back out of the 
town. They were prevented from adopting this daring proposal, 
only by the hope that Montgomery, of whose fate they were still 
in ignorance, would succeed in his attack ; and that in this event 
their co-operation would be invaluable, while a premature retreat 
might subject one or both of the divisions to destruction, and the 
assault to a failure. They accordingly resolved to maintain their 
position for a short time longer. 

A desultory fire was, in the meantime, kept up between the 
opposing forces. Time, however, brought no hope to the belea- 
guered Americans. Being now evidently the sole object of attack, 
the whole disposable force of the garrison having gathered around 
them, they at length perceived that they were no longer masters 
of their own destiny, and on being summoned, surrendered them- 
selves prisoners of war. 
/y Such was Morgan's vexation upon realizing the hopelessness of 
his situation, that he wept like a child. On being summoned by 
some of the enemy's soldiery to deliver up his sword, he peremp- 
torily refused a compliance, but placing his back against a wall, 
with the weapon in his hand, he dared any one of their number 
to come and take it. lie persisted in this determination, notwith- 
standing the threats of the soldiers to shoot him, and the exhor- 
tations pf his men, not to sacrifice his life in useless opposition. 
At length perceiving a man near at hand, whom he took by his 
d]-ess to be a clergyman, he asked him if he was not a priest. 
Being answered in the affirmative, Morgan delivered his sword to 
the clergyman, observing, " Then I give my sword to you ; but 
not a scoundrel of those cowards shall take it out of my hands."* 
Most of the accounts of this battle concur in stating the Ame- 
rican loss at about sixty men killed and wounded. Arnold, in one 
of his letters, says, that "About three hundred were taken 
prisoners, and, as near as he could judge, about sixty killed and 

* Dr. ffiU. 



104: THE LIFE OF 

wounded." Carleton, in his official account of the action, stated 
that " the rebels lost six or seven hundred men, and forty or fifty 
officers, while his loss was only one lieutenant and 17 men."* 
Both these statements, and more particulary the latter one, are 
believed to be very incorrect. The proneness of military men to 
magnify their advantages, and to diminish their losses, renders 
them questionable sources of information on such topics. Judge 
Henry, in his interesting account of this assault, is probably as 
far beyond the mark, in stating that the Americans lost, of non- 
commissioned officers and privates, one hundred and fifty killed, 
and fifty or sixty wounded. On the same authority, the enemy 
had forty or fifty killed, and many more wounded, a statement 
foimded on information derived from the British soldiery them- 
selves, on corroborating circurastances.f A medium between these 
varying statements would probably approximate the truth, and in 
the absence of further information, at once definite and reliable, we 
are disposed to rest on this conclusion. Captain Hendricks, of the 
Pennsylvania riflemen ; Lieutenant Humphreys, Morgan's first lieu- 
tenant, and Lieutenant Cooper of Connecticut, were among the killed. 
Captain Lamb, Major Ogden, Captain Hubbard, and Lieutenants 
Steel and Tisdale, were wounded. When Morgan's company landed 
on the north side of St. Lawrence, it numbered nearly eighty men. 
Yet from death in battle and by sickness, not more than twenty-five 
of its members ever reached their homes.J; Hendricks's and 
Smith's companies, though each originally as strong in numbers 
as Morgan's, were reduced in a like fearful ratio. When the 
Americans advanced to the assault, they numbered over twelve 
hundred men, including the Canadians and Indians. After the 
repulse no more than seven hundred men re-assembled under 
Arnold. This would leave five hundred to be accounted for 
among the killed, wounded, prisoners, and missing. Of the Ame^ 
rican wounded, very few recovered. Faling in the deep snow, 

♦ Collections of Maine Hist. Soc, vol. 1., p. 410. 

t Henry's Expedition, p. 120. t Ibid., p. 144 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 105 

and being unable to extricate themselves, they soon fe'l victims to 
the intensity of the cold, unless rescued from such a fate by some 
prompt and friendly hand. After the Americans surrendered, a 
number of their wounded were thus preserved by the humane 
activity of Governor Carleton. 

The captives were not kept long in ignorance of the fate of the 
gallant Montgomery. He had advanced at the head of his column, 
accompanied by Captains Cheeseman and McPherson, and Mr. 
Burr, along the margin of the St. Lawrence, towards the enemy's 
defences at Anse des Meres under Cape Diamond. These con- 
sisted of two rows of pickets, planted a short distance apart, 
beyond which was erected a block-house. This was a square two- 
story log-building, with loop-holes for musketry below, and port- 
holes above, at which two twelve pounders, charged with grape 
and cannister, were pointed towards the narrow avenue by which 
an enemy must approach. The position was defended by a body of 
seamen and Canadians. The Americans were not discovered until 
they had penetrated through the first row of pickets, when the 
Canadians, delivering an inefiectual fire, abandoned the dcfcucts, 
and fled towards the town. The fugitives communicated their 
fears to the seamen, who manned the guns in the block-house, and 
they also fled. It afterwards appeared that for a considerable 
time, this important position was abandoned. Could the Ameri- 
cans have promptly advanced at this juncture in sufficient force^ 
an entrance into the lower town would have been rendered com- 
paratively easy. But the difficulties of ascending the hill, and of 
penetrating through the pickets, had greatly impeded their pro- 
gress, and the precious moment was lost in waiting for the rear 
to come up. About two hundred men having at length collected, 
Montgomery moved forward at their head towards the block-house, 
exclaiming, " Push on, brave boys, Quebec is ours." These were 
his last words. When the column had advanced within forty 
paces of the block-house, one of the jannon was discharged by a 
sailor, who, having returned to see what it was that delayed the 

5* 



106 THE LIFE OF 

Americans, and observing them approaching, picked up a match, 
and before he again fled, fired the gun. By this discharge Mont- 
gomery fell, and with him Captains Cheeseman and McPherson, an 
orderly sergeant, and a private. Unfortunately for the issue of 
the assault, Lieutenant Colonel Campbell succeeded to the com- 
mand. This officer has been justly described as one, quite defi- 
cient in the qualities necessary for such an emergency as had arisen. 
Instead of emulating the conduct of Morgan, under precisely 
similar circumstances, he delayed the advance in useless consulta- 
tion, until the enemy returned to their works, when he ordered a 
retreat. The soldiery, disheartened by the death of their general, 
immediately retired at a pace which soon degenerated into a 
flight. Mr. Burr, placing Montgomery's body on his shoulders 
hurried through the deep snow in the line of the retreat. The 
enemy sallied from their works after the fugitives. The pursuit 
became so hot, that Burr was forced to abandon his noble 
burden, which was found the next day, enveloped in the newly 
fallen snow, on the shore of the St. Lawrence. It was subsequently 
biouglit into the town, and buried with the honors of war. 

Thus terminated the celebrated expedition to Quebec. This 
part of our subject will appropriately close with a few reflections, 
suggested by its thrilling details. The scheme of taking Quebec 
by assault was neither rash in design, nor hopeless of execution. 
The great strength and extent of the works of the city, which, if 
fully manned, could perhaps have been maintained against any 
force whatever — furnished embarrassments rather than advantages, 
to the small garrison which defended them. The forced coopera- 
tion of some 600 Canadians could not be regarded as adding 
materially to the means of defence. These, and the remainder 
of the inhabitants of French origin, were ripe for revolt, and 
ready to join the assailants, the moment they safely could. 
Leaving these people out of account, then, the strength of the 
Americans, both as it regards numbers and efficiency, was much 
superior to that of the garrison. The capture of Quebec would 



GENERAL DANIEL MOKGAN. 107 

have completed the conquest of Canada; and a result so all- 
important, called for the adoption of any step, however hazardous, 
that furnished the remotest hope of its accomplishment. Many- 
other considerations of weight were added, prompting, if not 
compelling, the American general to a resort to decisive meas- 
ures. The resolution, then, to assault' Quebec, appears to have 
been fully justified by all the circumstajices under which it was 
taken. 

The preliminary arrangements for the assault, although compli- 
cated, appear to have all been carried into effect without accident 
or mistake. The troops marched to the attack, cheerful and con- 
fident. In the early stages of the assault, the enemy yielded on 
every hand. Nothing, it seemed, was wanting to crown the eSbrt 
with complete success, but an ordinary share of courage and 
determination. It is here that we must look for the causes of the 
failure. While some of the troops exhibited a valor and perse- 
verance, seldom, if ever, equalled, others, it must be admitted, 
betrayed a want of those ennobling qualities. Had the efforts of 
Morgan's riflemen, and of the few brave men who rushed with 
them over the enemy's works, been supported by the rear of the 
column, the lower town would have been taken by Arnold's divi- 
sion alone. Had Montgomery not fallen, or having fallen, had 
he been as ably succeeded by Campbell as Arnold was by Mor- 
gan, his division would, doubtless, have been equally successful. 
With the united American forces in the lower town, embracing 
as it did the bulk of the city's wealth, the inhabitants, either from 
a desire to secure their property, or from disaffection to the 
British rule, would have cooperated with them in compelling the 
garrison, if necessary, to surrender. 

Never, perhaps, was the discharge of a single gun followed by 
such important consequences, as the one which, though fired at 
random, struck down Montgomery at the moment of victory. It 
secured to Great Britain a province, greater in extent than all her 
other possessions together, and which was on the point of being 



108 THE LIFE OF 

wrested from her for ever. It gave a disastrous termination to a 
campaign, which, on the part of the Americans, had hitherto been 
a succession of triumphs. While the British government were 
thus encouraged to persevere in their efforts to bring the colonists 
to unconditional submission, the latter were proportionably dis- 
pirited at results, so contrary to their expectations, and so unfavor- 
able to their cause. Thenceforward, the tide of war reacted on 
the Americans in this quarter, until at length, from being the 
invaders, they were made the objects of invasion. It may be 
safely asserted, that the consequences of this single discharge of 
grape were not wholly neutralized, even by the subsequent cap- 
ture of Burgoyne at Saratoga. 



GENEEAL DANIEL MORGAN. 100 



CHAPTER VI. 

Governor Carleton — His kind treatment of the prisoners — Their efforts to escape — Morgan 
offered a colonelcy in the British service, which he rejects with indignation — Arnold 
still invests Quebec— Arrival of the British fleet, with an army of twelve thousand men 
— The British rule re-established over Canada — The prisoners petition Gov. Carleton for 
permissions to return to their homes on parole — Their liberation — Morgan visits the 
American head-quarters — At the recommendation of the commander-in-chief, he 13 
appointed colonel of the Rifle regiment — Recruiting for the new army — Morgan urged 
to push the enlistment for his regiment — He marches to Morristown — Formation of the 
regiment of Rangers — The instructions of the commander-in-chief. 

The Americans having surrendered, the officers were con- 
ducted to the Seminary, and the non-commissioned officers and 
privates to the Jesuits' College, or Recollets, where they were 
confined. Of this division, only about one hundred men suc- 
ceeded in escaping.* 

/ Sir Guy Carleton, Governor of Canada, was as much dis- 
tinguished for courtesy and generosity, as he was for talents 
and courage. Whether it was from policy, or from the sug- 
o'estions of those better feelino-s which we have ascribed to him, 
certain it is, that he caused the gallant band which the chances 
of battle had thrown into his hands, to be treated with much 
more kindness, than it was usual for British officers, either before 
or after the affair at Quebec, to extend to American prisoners. 
This kindness was observed to the privates as well as to the 
officers, and induced the general belief, that a desire to alienate 
them from the cause in which they had been engaged, if not 
to draw them into that of their captors, would be found among 

• Collections of Maine His. Soc, vol. i., p. 410. 



110 THE LIFE OF 

the motives for its adoption. Subsequent events established 
the correctness of this impression. 

Among the prisoners, a number were of English and Irish 
birth. These were left the alternative, either to enlist in Colonel 
McLean's regiment of emigrants, or to be sent to England to 
be tried for treason. Those born in America were offered their 
liberty upon enlisting. Accordingly, a large number, chiefly 
natives of Great Britain, entered the British service, with the 
intention of seizing the first opportunity which might offer to 
desert. A short time afterwards, several succeeded in escaping,; 
some by descending the almost perpendicular sides of the snow- 
clad rock on which Quebec stands, others by jumping from 
the top of fortifications thirty or forty feet high, into snow from 
ten to fifteen feet deep, and a few by running the gauntlet 
through a fire of grapeshot and musketjy. What remained 
of this class of recruits, after the lapse of a few weeks, being 
regarded as hopeless cases for conversion, were remanded to 
prison.* 

About the beginning of March, the prisoners were removed 
from the college to Dauphin jail, an old French building, about 
three hundred yards from St. John's Ga-te. During this month, 
a formidable plot which they had formed, not only to escape, but 
to seize the works a-t St. John's Gate, and to admit Arnold and 
his force into the town, was discovered by the garrison, just in 
time to prevent it from being carried into effect. From some 
hoop iron, found in one of the rooms of the building, they manu- 
factured swords and spear heads, handles for which were fur- 
nished by the fir planks, which formed the bottoms of their 
berths. By an ingenious device, cartridges were obtained from 
the soldiery without exciting suspicion. These were converted 
Mto matches, with which it was intended to fire the guns of 
the works upon the city. Joseph Aston, a private in Capt. 
Lamb's company, succeeded, by the aid of his companions, 

* Sparks's Life of Arnold, p. 56. 



GENERAL DANIEL MOEGAN. Ill 

in effecting his escape. He was to inform Arnold of the intended 
movement, and to obtain his co-operation. Everything was 
arranged, and the time for action fixed, when the imprudence 
of two of their number aroused suspicion. The partial inves- 
tigation which followed would have failed to make any discovery, 
when, by the treachery of an English deserter, also a prisoner, the 
whole plot was betrayed. The prisoners were immediately 
loaded with chains, which they were compelled to bear for 
the succeeding two months. During this time, they suffered 
extreme misery from scurvy, and from a diarrhoea, occasioned by 
the water,* It was not until the arrival of the British army from 
England, and the retreat of the Americans from before Quebec, 
that the irons were struck from their limbs.f 

All the captured officers were treated with marked kindness 
and consideration; but to none was this treatment displayed 
in so great a degree as to Morgan. The following anecdote, 
related by himself, will serve to illustrate, not only the impli 
cation of a design on the part of the British commander to 
seduce his prisoners from the cause of their country, but the 
high opinion which this officer had formed of Morgan's mili- 
tary talents, from the conduct of the latter during the assault. 
He was visited occasionally by a British officer, to him unknown, 
but, from his uniform, he appeared to belong to the navy, and to 
be an officer of distinction.-.*; During one of his visits, after 
conversing upon many topics, he asked Morgan if he did not 
begin to be convinced that the resistance of America was 
visionary. He endeavored to impress upon Morgan the disas- 
trous consequences which must infallibly ensue, if the idle attempt 
were persevered in, and earnestly exhorted him to renounce 
the ill-advised undertaking. He declared, with seeming sincerity 
and warmth, his admiration of Morgan's spint and enterprise, 
which he said were worthy of nobler employment, and told him, 

* Collections of Maine His. Soc, vol. i., p. 410-411. 
t Henry's Expedition, p. 146-163. 



112 THE LIFE OF 

tliat if lie would consent to withdraw from the American 
and join the British standard, he was authorized to offer him 
the commission, rank, and emoluments, of a colonel in the royal 
army. Morgan rejected the proposal with disdain, and concluded 
his reply by observing : " I hope, sir, you will never again insult 
me in my present distressed and unfortunate situation, by making 
me offers which plainly imply that you think me a scoundrel 1"*^^ 

Notwithstanding the failure of the assault, and its unfortunate 
results, Morgan and his fellow captives were not without hope 
that their friends, who still menaced Quebec, would yet restore 
them to liberty. Arnold, who had succeeded to the command, 
encamped with the remains of the army before the town, and by 
cutting off all communication between it and the surrounding 
country, reduced it to great distress. He intercepted and cap- 
tured all supplies intended for the garrison, cut off its detach- 
ments whenever they ventured abroad, and by repeated and bold 
attacks, rendered its situation extremely harassing and precarious. 
Congress had authorized the raising of nine regiments, and at the 
request of the commander-in-chief, the New England govern- 
ments made provision for adding materially to this force, the 
whole being intended to operate in Canada, early in the spring. 
Encouraged by these and other indications of a determination to 
prosecute the war with vigor in that quarter, the assailants held 
their ground, awaiting only the arrival of the promised reinforce- 
ments, again to attack the town. These came in so slowly, how- 
ever, as hardly to add anything to the effective strength of the 
army, the arrival of one body of men being generally neutralized 
by the departure of another. Sickness, and particularly the 
small pox, had, besides, reduced the nominal force nearly one 
iialf. Thus three months passed without producing anything 
decisive ; yet the season was rapidly approaching when the ice 
would break up, and the promised reinforcements from England 
might be expected to arrive. Under these circumstances, Arnold 

* Lee's Memoirs, p. 429. Dr. Hill, Major Neville. 



GENEKAL DANIEL MORGAN. 113 

determined to resume the siege. Batteries were erected against 
the town, and upon the shores of the river, which opened their 
fire on the 2d of April.* His troops gained the suburbs, where 
they set fire to several houses, and obliged the garrison to pull 
down others to prevent the fire from spreading. Here, however, 
they were obliged to pause ; but they succeeded in withdrawing 
without sustaining any considerable loss. The attempts to burn 
the shipping in the harbor, by means of red hot shot and fire 
ships, were not more successful, although prosecuted with all the 
energy of which the numbers and the circumstances of the besiegers 
admitted. 

These events, which marked the passage of the month of April, 
were regarded by the prisoners with no common interest. Besides 
keeping them in a constant state of restless anxiety, they produced 
on their minds rapid alternations of hope and fear. But their 
prospects were soon destined to assume a fixed and gloomy color- 
ing. On the morning of the 6 th May, the frigates Isis and Sur- 
prise, with three transports, arri\'^d at Quebec. These were a 
part of the expected British fleet, which, it was now announced, 
■were working up the river, having on board 12,000 German and 
English troops, with Generals Burgoyne, Phillips, and Riedesel. 
The troops brought by the transports having been quickly landed, 
Carleton, at the head of one thousand men, with six pieces of 
artillery, sallied forth against the besiegers. At a council of war, 
held the day previously, in the American camp, it was the unani- 
mous opinion of the officers present, that the army was too^'feeble 
to hope for success from an assault of the town. It was accord- 
ingly resolved to remove the sick, the artillery and the stores, 
higher up the river, preparatory to a movement of the troops in 
the same direction. While engaged in carrying these designs 
into execution, Carleton appeared. General Thomas, who had 
succeeded Arnold in command of the American forces, ordered a 
retreat, which soon became a flight. He left behind him all his 

* Marshall's Washington, vol. i., p. 61. 



114 THE LIFE OF 

artillery and baggage, which, with a considerable number of his 
men, fell into the enemy's hands.* 

From this time forth, our affairs in Canada were nothing but a 
series of disasters, relieved, it is true, by instances of courage and 
address, worthy of success, and which even gave glory to defeat. 
We therefore willingly take leave of matters no longer incidental 
to the object of our labors. Suffice it to say, that Gov. Carleton, 
having completely reestabhshed the British rule over Canada, 
returned to Quebec about the middle of June. 
/ The prisoners had long since given up all hopes of a sp«sedy 
liberation, save through the success of our arms in capturing the 
enemy, thus offering facilities for their exchange ; oi, through the 
clemency of Gov. Garleton. Ignorant of the progress of events to 
the southward, their expections of being exchanged w.ere faint and 
uncertain ; and while the contest was yet undecided in Canada, 
the supposition that Carleton would comply with their desires, 
was out of the question. His return, however, elated with 
victory, induced Morgan, Green, and others among the prisoners, 
to believe that the favorable moment had at length arrived, when 
the maguanimity conspicuous in his general conduct might be suc- 
cessfully appealed to. Their confidence was strengthened by the 
fact, that the restraints which had previously been imposed on 
them were then somewhat slackened, the officers having recently 
received permission to walk in a large garden adjoining their 
quarters. A petitionf was accordingly drawn up, and having 
been signed by the officers, was laid before the governor. 

* Marshall's Washington, vol. i., p. 62. 

tTO niS EXCELLENCT, THE HONORABLE OUT CARLETON, ESQ., CAPTAIN GENERAL AND COMMANDER 

IN CHIEF OF ALL HIS MAJESTY'S FORCES IN NORTH AMERICA, ETC., ETC. 
May IT PLEASE YOCR EXCELLENCY : 

Impressed with a just sense of your Excellency's humanity and benevolen-ce, and 
urged by the peculiarity of our present disagreeable situation, being destitute of both 
friends and money, we beg leave to request that your Excellency will condescend to take 
our case into consideration, and grant us relief, by permitting us to return to our res- 
pective homes, on our parole, which we sliall ever deem sacred, assuring your Excellency 



GENEKAL DANIEL MOEGAN. 115 

A-lthough no immediate answer was returned to this petition, it 
i believed that it had the desired effect. On the seventh of 
A*gust following, all the prisoners in Quebec, then amounting to 
fifty-one commissioned officers, and three hundred and seventy- 
three non-commissioned officers and privates, were discharged on 
their parole^. 

The generosity of Carleton's character displayed itself on this 
occasion. The men thus discharged being mostly in a destitute 
condition, were furnished by him with clothing and such other 
necessaries as they stood in need of. An act of such extraordi- 
nary kindness towards enemies having drawn some expressions of 
surprise from his officers, he is said to have replied: "Since we 
have tried in vain to make them acknowledge us as brothers, let 
us at least send them away, disposed to regard us as first cousins."* 

On the 10th of August, the prisoners were embarked on board 
of five transports, which sailed the next day for New York, under 
convoy of the Pearl frigate. On the 11th of September, they 
reached their destination. After being detained for som« time in 
the harbor of New York, they were landed at Elizabethtown 
Point. It was ten or eleven o'clock at night, the moon shining 
brightly, when Morgan, standing on the bow of the boat as it 
approached the land, sprang to the shore, and throwing himself 
on the ground, as if to embrace it, cried out in a burst of patriotic 
feeling " Oh, my country !" They all seemed delirious with joy, 

that we shall make it a point to surrender ourselves to any of his Majesty's oflScers, when 
and where your Excellency may think proper to direct. 

Being likewise sensibly touched with the deplorable state of our men, who remain 
prisonei-s at present, we take the liberty to recommend them to your Excellency's con- 
sideration, earnestly soliciting that some measures may be taken for their relief, and we 
should be extremely happy if they could possibly return to their families, many of whom 
must be reduced to the greatest distress. 

Your Excellency's compliance will be esteemed a singular faror, and ever gratefully 
acknowledged by 

Your Excellency's most obedient and very humble servants 
j Semmary, Quelbec, June 7th, 1776. [Here followed thirty-four names.] 



•Sparks's Writings of Washington, vol. iii., p. 



116 THE LIFE OF 

and the mglit was passed in singing, dancing, hallooing, and every 
wild expression of pleasure.* 

Morgan repaired without delay to the American head-quarters, 
and communicated to the commander-in-chief the desire he felt 
to enter again into the service of his country, as soon as his 
liberation from his parole would permit. It is proper to observe 
here, that Washino;ton had not been an inattentive observer of the 
events of the Canadian war, and particularly of those which 
marked the glorious but unfortunate career of the detachments he 
had sent thither from Cambridge. Nor was he unmindful of the 
rights of those who survived the struggle in that quarter. Con- 
gress having passed a resolution, directing the exchange of 
prisoners which had been agreed upon between the respective 
commanders of the contending armies, to be made from the officers 
and soldiers taken on Long Island, Washington remonstrated 
against the injustice which would thereby be done the troops 
captured in Canada, f and succeedccl in getting that body to 
direct, that in the exchange, the latter should have the preference. 
He also counteracted the inclination evinced by General Howe, 
in negotiating an exchange, to pass over the prisoners in Canada. 
His correspondence with the President of Congress and the 
governors of the States, showed that the claims to remembrance 
and reward of the officers who served in Canada, had not been 
forgotten by him.J; In the organization of the new army, he 
was enabled to carry out his just and generous inclinations 
towards those brave but unfortunate men, 

Morgan met with a flattering reception from the comrr..inder* 
in-chief. The assault on Quebec had spread his name tl rough- 
out the country, and in the estimation of Washington, placed him 
among the foremost of those who had so greatly distinguished 
themselves on that memorable occasion. Before Morgan left the 
camp for his home in Virginia, the views and wishes of the com 

* Henry's Expedition, p. 183-186. Collections Maine Historical Society, voi, 1., 413. 
t Sparks's Writings of Washington, vol. iv, pp. 140-141. $ IbU. p. 150. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 117 

mander-in-chief regarding him, were transmitted to the President 
of Congress in the following letter : — 

Heights of Harlem, 20th Sept. 1T76. 

Sir : As Colonel Hugh Stephenson, of the rifle regiment, lately ordered 
to be raised, is dead, according to the information I have received, I would 
beg leave to recommend to the particular notice of Congress Captain 
Daniel Morgan, just returned among the prisoners from Canada, as a fit 
and proper person to succeed to the vacancy occasioned by his death. 
The present field officers in the regiment cannot claim any right in pre- 
ference to him, because he ranked above them, and as a captain, when 
he entered the service. His conduct as an officer, or the expedition with 
General Arnold last fall, his intrepid behavior in the assault upon Quebec, 
when the brave Montgomery fell, the inflexible attachment he professed to 
our cause during his imprisonment, and which he perseveres in, and, added 
to these, his residence in the place Colonel Stephenson came from, and his 
interest and influence in the same circle, and with such men as are to com- 
pose such a regiment, all, in my opinion, entitle him to the favor of Con- 
gress, ajid lead me to believe that in his promotion, the States will gain a 
good and valuable officer for the sort of troops he is particularly recom- 
mended to command. 

Should Congress be pleased to appoint Captain Morgan in the instance 
I have mentioned, I would still beg leave to suggest the propriety and 
necessity of keeping the matter close, and not suffering it to transpire 
until he is exonerated from the parole he is under. His acceptance of a 
commission under his present circumstanr ^s might be construed as a vio- 
lation of his engagement ; and if not, the difficulty attending his exchange 
might be increased. The enemy, perhaps, would consider him as a field- 
officer, of which we have but very few in our hands, and none, that I 
recollect, of that rank. 

I am, sir. 

Your very humble servant, 

Geo. Washington.* 

Morgan's return once more to home and friends was sig- 
nalized by the display towards him of an aftection and regard, 
which went far in repaying him for the toils, the perils, and the 

* Sparks's Writings of Washington, vol. iv., pp. 124-125. 



118 THE LIFE OF 

sufferings he had experienced. He found his wife and children 
in good health ; and, thanks to the forecast, which, even amid the 
excesses of his earlier career, made him provide for the future, 
learned, that they had suffered no privation nor unhappiness, save 
that arising from the absence of their best friend and natural 
protector. His old associates and neighbors gathered around him, 
and in return for their hearty congratulations upon his re- appear- 
ance among them, safe and uninjured, made him repeat, again ana 
again, the adventures which had marked the period of his 
absence. A month was speedily passed in recruiting his health 
and strength, and in arranging and bringing up his private affairs. 
But he was destined soon to return to a nobler field of action. 
Towards the close of November, he was informed that Congress 
had determined to act upon the suggestion of the commander-in- 
chief, and confer upon him a colonel's commission.* He was 
also advised, that in a short time he might expect to be exchanged, 
when he would be required at once to take the field. Before the 
year closed, he was notified of his release from his parole, had 

*IH CON rt BESS. 

The Delegates of the United States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode 
Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, 
North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. To Daniel Morgan, Esq.:— 

We, reposing especial trust and confidence in your patriotism, valor, conduct and 
fidelity, do, by these presents, constitute and appoint you to be Colonel of the Eleventh 
Regiment of Virginia in the army of the United States, raised for the defence of Ameri- 
can Liberty, and for repelling every hostile invasion thereof. You are, therefore, care- 
fully ana diligently to discharge the duty of colonel, by doing and performing all manner 
of things thereunto belonging. And we do strictly charge and require all officers and 
soldiers under your command to be obedient to your orders as colonel. And you are to 
observe and follow such orders and directions, from time to time, as you shall receive 
from this or a future Congress of the United States, or committee of Conf^ress for that purpose 
appointed, or commander-in-chief for the time being of the army of the United States, 
or any other your superior officer according to the rules and discipline of war, in pursu' 
ance of the trust resposed in you. This commission to continue in force until revoked by 
this or a future Congress. 

Dated the Twelth day of November, 1776, seventy-six. By order of the Congress. 

Attest, Chables Thompson, Jobs Hascock, 

Sec. iV<». 



Gj^NEEAL DANIEL MOEGAN. 119 

received his commission, and was instructed to commence recruit- 
ing for the ranks of his regiment. 

Ck)ngress had now made arrangements for raising an army on a 
more permanent footing ; and the commander-in-chief was making 
tlie greatest exertions to carry out their designs. The untoward turn 
which affairs had taken had dispirited the people. The recruiting 
service progressed so languidly, and yielded results so unexpectedly 
small, as to excite the most alarming fears for the future. From 
the outset of the struggle, Washington had been unceasing in his 
exertions to induce Congress to adopt this course ; and his pre- 
dictions of the fearful crisis in the public affairs which otherwise 
would sooner or later ensue, were but too faithfully verified. 
" Reinforcements come up so extremely slow," he says, in a letter 
to the President of Congress, written about this time, " that I am 
afraid I shall be left without any men before they arrive. The 
enemy must be ignorant of our numbers, or they have not horses 
to move their artillery, or they would not suffer us to remain 
undisturbed. I have repeatedly written to all the recruiting 
officers, to forward on their men as fast as they could arm and 
clothe them ; but they are so extremely averse to turning out of 
comfortable quarters, that I cannot get a man to come near me, 
though I hear from all parts that the recruiting service goes on 
with great success. It would be well if the board of war, in whoso 
department it is, would issue orders for all officers to equip and for- 
ward their recruits to head-quarters with the greatest expedition."* 

Morgan had entered earnestly into the business of recruiting. 
Yet, even with his general acquaintance among the people, 
and his popularity as a commander to aid his efforts, they were 
but partially successful. Some time before his discharge from 
his parole, the oflScers, then scattered all over the country 
on recruiting service, had picked up every available man ; and, 
as he required those who were accustomed to the woods, and to 
the use of the rifle, his diflSculties were increased. While thus 

* Sparks's Writings of Washington, vol. ir., p. 30-802 . 



120 THE LIFE OF 

employed, he received a letter from Richard Peters, Esq., at that 
time Secretary of the Board of War, inclosing- a resolution 
of Congress, adopted in conformity with the suggestions of 
the commander-in-chief. The resolution and letter are sub- 
joined I — 

In Congress, February 24, 1777. 

Resolved — That the Board of War be directed to send leivers to express 

to the colonels or other commanding officers of the several regiments now 

raising and recruiting in the States of Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, 

and Virginia, ordering them immediately to march the troops enlisted 

under their command, by companies and parts of companies, to join the 

army under General Washington; proper officers being left behind 

to recruit the companies or corps that are not yet complete, and to bring 

up the recruits. 

Extract from the minutes, 

Chas. Thompson, Secretary. 

War Office, Baltimore, Feb. 24, 1777. 
Sir : Congress having received intelligence of the enemy's being rein- 
forced in New Jersey very considerably, it becomes absolutely necessary, 
both for the preservation of the army under General Washington, and to 
check the progress of our cruel and remorseless invaders, that he be joined 
immediately by all the forces which can possibly be procured. You have 
the resolve of Congress on that head enclosed, by the direction of the 
Board of War, with which they request you will instantly comply, by send- 
ing all the men raised in your regiment. Let them bring what arms, 
blankets, and clothes they have, or can by any means obtain, and the defi*- 
ciency will either be supplied at Philadelphia or at head-quarters. Let 
nothing delay your immediate march, either by companies or parts of com- 
panies, as you can get them together, as the safety of our country much 
depends upon the exertions of its army at this trying period ; and it 
is hoped no care or pains of yours will be wanting, when all we hold dear 
and valuable demands them. 
* I have the honor to be, your very obedient servant, 

Richard Peters, Secretary. 
To Col. Morgan, Winchester, Va. 

Although Morgan had succeeded in enlisting a number of 
such men as he desired, they were yet too few, in his opinion, 



GENERAL DANIEL MOKGAN. 121 

to come under the directions of the resohition and letter just 
quoted. These men besides, were scattered about at different 
points, embracing an extent of more than forty miles of country ; 
and some further time would be required to collect and organize 
them, before they could be sent forward as directed. The 
urgency of the case, no doubt, was great, and few, perhaps, were 
more strongly impressed with this fact than Morgan himself. 
He had some time before been addressed by Governor Henry, 
who called upon him to lose no time in filling the ranks of 
his regiment, and marching to New Jersey. A few days elapsed, 
and another letter from the same quarter was received. This 
letter, although not material to the matter in hand, is yet so cha- 
racteristic of its distinguished author, that we cannot resist 
the temptation to give it a place in our narrative : — 

Williamsburg, March 15, 1777. 
Sir : I must once more address you on the subject of marching your 
regiment to join Gen. Washington. There is a more pushing necessity for 
your aid than you are acquainted with, or I can with propriety explain in 
detail. You will, therefore, surmount ^very obstacle, and lose not a 
moment, lest America receive a wound that may prove mortal. 

I am, sir, &c., 

P. Henry. 
Col. Morgan. 

Long before the glorious struggle terminated, Patrick Henry 
learned to appreciate Morgan as a man, who, in the labors 
of patriotism, needed no spur " to prick the sides of his intent," 
and to regard him a>s one in whose breast dwelt a spirit kindred 
to his own. 

Havino: raised a force of about one hundred and eiffh 'men, 
Morgan took up his line of march, and reached the camp at 
Morristown about the beginning of April. Up to this period, 
with the exception of a few hundreds from Pennsylvania, New 
Jersey, and Virginia, there was nothing in the American camp to 
indicate that Congress, months before, had made provision for the 

6 



122 THE LIFE OF 

enlistment and organization of a new army. Of the sixteen regi- 
ments ordered to be raised the preceding December, but five 
or six hundred had arrived at head-quarters. The commander-in- 
chief was bitterly disappointed. He found himself not only 
unable to carry into eftect the offensive operations he had medi- 
tated, but unequal even to defensive warfare. Nay, more, he was 
indebted to his preservation from destruction, either to the supine- 
ness or the want of information of his opponent.* But, afiairs 
assumed a more promising aspect during the succeeding two 
months. Recruits having come in pretty rapidly, preparations 
were made for opening the campaign with a vigor proportionate 
to the means supplied to carry it on. The camp at Morristown 
w^as broken up, the detachments called in, and the army moved 
to Middlebrook. The effective force at this time was only five 
thousand, seven hundred and seventy-eight men. 

On Morgan's arrival at head-qua-rters, he was received by 
the commander-in-chief with marked kindness and consideration. 
He entered at once on the duties of his station. But, the situa- 
tion of affairs in the camp at this time, when one army was about 
disbanding, to be succeeded by another not yet assembled, much 
less organized, imposed on him an inaction but ill-suited to 
his temperament. This was, however, destined to be short lived. 
The early military career of the commander-in-chief had taught 
him the value which might properly attach to a select corps of 
sharp-shooters, composed of hardy, active men, accustomed to the 
rtoods, and skillful in the use of the rifle. The preceding 
\.Hmpaigns had presented many occasions, forcibly suggesting the 
irant of such a corps, when its presence might have turned 
the tide of battle. He determined no longer to defer its forma- 
tion. A body of five hundred picked men was accordingly 
formed from the diflferent regiments composing the army. The 
command of this corps was given to Col. Morgan ; Richard But 
ler, of Pennsylvania, an officer admirably qualified for the post, 

* Sparks's Writings of Washington, vol. iv., p. 808. 



GENERAL DANIEL MOEGAN. 123 

received the lieutenant-coJonelcy ; and the gallant but unfortunate 
Morris, of New Jersey, who fell gloriously a short time afterwards 
at Chestnut Hill, was appointed major. The captains for the 
eight companies, into which the regiment was divided, were 
appointed by Morgan. His selections displayed that knowledge 
of human nature, and that soundness of judgment, which formed 
such conspicuous features in his character. They were Captains 
Cobel, Posey, Knox, Long, Swearingen, Parr, Boone, and Hender- 
son. Amidst all the severe tests to which these officers were 
subsequently subjected, not one of them failed to realize the 
expectations of his commander, nor to distinguish himself on one 
or more occasions. 

On the 13th June, the corps being completely organized 
and ready for service, as the events of a few days signally proved, 
the following letter of instructions was received by Morgan : — 

INSTRUCTIONS 

To Col. Morgan — 

Sir : The corps of Rangers newly formed, and under your command, 
are to be considered as a body of Light Infantry, and are to act as such, 
for which reason they will be exempted from the common duties of 
the line. 

At present you are to take post at Yan Yechten's Bridge, and watch, 
with very small scouting parties (to avoid fatiguing your men too much 
under the present appearance of things), the enemy's left flank, and parti- 
cularly the roads leading from Brunswick towards Millstone, Princeton, &c. 

In case of any movement of the enemy, you are instantly to fall upon 
their flanks, and gall them as much as possible, taking especial care not to 
be surrounded, or have your retreat to the army cut off. 

I have sent for spears, which I expect shortly to receive and deliver 
to you, as a defence against horse. Till you are furnished with these, take 
care not to be caught in such a situation, as to give them any advantage 
over you. 

Given under my hand at head-quarters, Middlebrook, the 13th of 
June, 1111. 

George Washingt^jji 



124: THE LIFE OF 



CHAPTER VII. 

The enemy advance in the direction of the Delaware— The Rangers approach, and attack 
their outposts and flanking parties — The enemy retire towards Amboy — Attaclied by 
Morgan, and pursued by him and Wayne as far as Piscataway — The enemy march to 
Westfield — Morgan engages their advance — On tlieir retreat to Railway, Scott and 
Morgan attack them with effect — Northern army reinforced — Morgan ordered to Haver- 
straw — Uncertainty as to the enemy's designs — Morgan is ordered to hasten towards 
Philadelphia — After a period of doubt, receives orders to march to the north and join 
General Gates — Extracts of letters from tlie commander-in-chief in relation to Morgan 
and his corps — The situation of affairs in the north — Morgan arrives at Albany — Letter 
from General Gates to Morgan — Arrival of the latter at head-quarters — Morgan receives 
a flattering reception from General Gates — A battalion of light infantry is added to his 
command. 

On the morning of the 13th of June, the day on which Morgan 
assumed the command of his regiment, Sir William Howe, leaving 
2,000 men at New Brunswick, sent two strong columns of his 
forces, under Generals Cornwallis and De Heister, in the direction 
of the Delaware. The purpose of this movement was to induce 
Washington to quit his fortified camp at Middlebrook, and risk 
an engagement in defence of the quarter threatened. The front 
of Cornwallis's column reached Somerset Court House by the 
dawn of day, when it was discovered by one of Morgan's detached 
parties.* Intelligence of this movement of the enemy having been 
communicated to head-quarters by Morgan, he at once advanced 
with his regiment to the neighborhood of Somerset. 

Being secured on their flanks by the Raritan and Millstone, the 
enemy were found too strongly posted to be appi'oaclu'd without 
danger. But during the five or six days that they occupied this 

* Writings of Washington, vol. iv., p. 468. 



GENEEAL DANIEL MORGAN. 125 

position, several spirited encounters took place between small 
parties of their force and detachments of the Rangers, in which 
the latter were inrariably victorious. Finding- that Washington 
was not to be drawn into a disadvantageous engagement, and not 
daring to prosecute his seeming purpose of crossing the Delaware, 
the British general returned to New Brunswick on the 19th of 
June.* 

Morgan, in conformity with the instruotionsf he had received 
from head-quarters, kept a vigilant eye upon the enemy. Their 
return to New Brunswick was signalized by several spirited 
attacks on their flanking parties by the Rangers. 

On the morning of the 22d, General Howe evacuated New 
Brunswick, and retired towards Amboy, setting fire to every 
building on his line of march. Washington, on being apprised 
of the retreat, detached three brigades (one of which was 
Wayne's), under Gen. Green, to fall on the enemy's rear, while 
Sullivan and Maxwell were ordered to co-operate upon their 
flank. The main body, in the meantime, paraded on the heights, 
ready to act as occasion might require. 

As Morgan was posted in the immediate neighborhood of thi 
enemy, he was first apprised of their movements, and thereupon 
he immediately pushed forward to annoy them. He first encoun- 
tered a strong picket of Hessians, who were soon driven in upon 
the main body. The latter were at this moment in full retreat 
across the bridge, a strong division of their forces being drawn up 
to cover the movement. Against this body, Morgan immediately 

♦Marshall's Washington, vol. i., pp, 147, 148. 

t Head-quarters, 15th June, 1777. 
Sir: 

His Excellency desires you will continue to keep out your active parties carefully 
watching every motion of the enemy; and have your whole body in readiness to move 
without confusion, and free from danger. He likewise requests that you make your mea 
be particularly careful of their provision, or they must often suflFer. 

I am, Sir, 

Tour most obedient servant, 

Richard R. Meade, A. D. CL 
Col. D. Morgan. 



126 THE LIFE OF 

directed the fire of his regiment; and after a fierce struggle of a 
few minutes, the enemy were forced to give way, and to seek the 
shelter afforded by some redoubts which they had previously con- 
structed on that side of the river.* The advantage afforded them 
by the redoubts subjected Morgan to a momentary check; but 
Gen. Wayne's brigade arriving at this juncture, the contest was 
renewed with greater spirit than ever. After a short struggle, 
the British abandoned their redoubts, and retreated precipitately 
along the Amboy road. 

Morgan, followed by Wayne, kept close to the heels of 
the enemy; and before he gave up the pursuit, forced their 
rear guard, on several occasions, to face about, and exchange 
several sharp fires with his riflemen. For more than an hour, 
the contest was maintained with severe loss on both sides ; and it 
was not until Wayne and Morgan had advanced in the pursuit as 
far as Piscataway, that they ordered a halt.f They had reckoned 
with confidence on the co-operation of Sullivan and Maxwell, in 
which event they felt assured, that the day would prove a disas- 
trous one to General Howe. But this not being obtained, they 
paused awhile at Piscataway, to refresh their men, and then 
returned to New Brunswick. The opinion prevailed in the army^ 
after this battle, that had Maxwell arrived at the post assigned 
him, in time to take a part in the contest, the enemy's rear guard 
of 1500 men would have been cut off and captured. 

In this action, Morgan greatly distinguished himself. His 
corps had fought with extraordinary valor ; and, although it suf- 
fered severely in its repeated encounters with the enemy during 
the preceding few days, the loss of the latter was far greater 
Morgan and Wayne, as well as their oflBcers and men, were made 
the subject of very commendatory remarks in the letter which 
Washington addressed to the President of Congress, after the 
action. Honorable mention was made of "their conduct and 

♦Sparks's Writings of Washington, vol. iv., p. 471. t Ibid 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 127 

bravery on this occasion,* and the fact was specially noted, that 
" they constantly advanced upon an enemy far superior to them 
in numbers, and well secured behind strong redoubts."* 

The new and somewhat exposed situation of the main body of 
the American army, in its advanced position at Quibbletown, 
offered temptations to the British commander to make a fresh 
attack. The object of his first movement was to draw Washing- 
ton from his entrenched camp, and bring on a general action. 
He now thought that a rapid movement of his force might enable 
him to turn the American left, and gain the heights in its 
rear, thus forcing Washington ' to fight at a disadvantage. 
Accordingly, on the night of the 25th, he recalled the troops 
which had crossed to Staten Island, and early next morning 
made a rapid movement, in two columns, towards Westfield. 
The right, under Cornwallis, took the route by Woodbridge 
to Scotch Plains ; and the left, led by Howe, marched by 
Metucking meeting-house. In addition, four battalions, with 
six pieces of cannon, were detached to Bonhamstown, in order to 
cover Amboy. Howe was to attack the left of the American 
army at Quibbletown, while Cornwallis was to gain the heights 
on the left of the camp at Middlebrook.f 

After the action of the 22d, Morgan took post in advance 
of the main body, and in the neighborhood of Woodbridge. 
On the morning of the 26th, the advance of Cornwallis was 
discovered, and soon after vigorously attacked. The conflict 
was maintained with spirit for half an hour, and with a severe 
loss on the part of the enemy. But, their main body coming 
up to the support of the advance, Morgan commenced retiring 
towards the camp. Washington, as soon as he heard the firing, 
comprehended how matters stood. He ordered a retreat to 
Middlebrook, after having detached a strong corps under Ster 
ling, to secure the mountain passes on his left. Cornwallis 

* Sparks's Writings of Washington, vol, iv., p. 472. 
t Marshall's Washington, vol. i., p. 149. 



128 THE LIFE OF 

continued to advance, and at length encountered Stetling, 
who, after a warm engagement, was obliged to give way witii the 
loss of three pieces of cannon. Cornwallis then pressed forward 
as far as Westfield. Here finding that his object had been 
foreseen, and provided against, he halted for two days, and 
then commenced a retreat to Am boy. ^* 

Vv^hen it became known that Cornwallis had halted at West- 
field, Gen Scott's brigade and Morgan's corps were thrown 
forward to observe and annoy him. As soon as the retreat 
commenced, he was immediately attacked by these ofiicers. 
Along the whole way to Rah way, a continued skirmish was kept 
up with the flanks and rear of the enemy, who lost a largo 
number of their force in killed and wounded.f They marched, 
however, in a compact body, and, leaving no opening for a 
serious attack, kept their assailants at bay. They reached 
Amboy, and crossed over to Staten Island by the 30th of June. 

For some ,time previous to this period, the designs of the enemy 
baffled conjecture, and had been a source of great disquietude 
to Washington. It was now believed that a junction between 
Burgoyne and Howe was contemplated. Measures were at once 
taken by the commander-in-chief to counteract such a scheme. 
Nixon's brigade was sent to reinforce the northern army under 
Schuyler ; Generals Parsons and Varnum were ordered to march 
with their brigades to Peekskill ; the division under General 
Sullivan was pushed forward to Pompton ; and the head-quarters, 
with the remainder of the army, were successively removed 
nearer to the Highlands and to the Hudson ; first to Morristown, 
then to Pompton, and afterwards to the Clove.J 

Morgan, who, since the retreat of the British to Staten Island^ 
had been posted at Chatham, was early advised of the move- 
ments of the army, and had received the necessary instructions 

* Marshall's Washington, vol. i., p. 149. 

t Sparks's Writings of Washington, vol. iv., p. 475. 

tSpai-ks's Writings of Washington, vol. i., p. 149-150. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 129 

to guide him.* He remained at this place for about a week ; 
when the impression gaining ground that the enemy were about 
moving up the North river, he received ordersf to march north- 
ward. He accordingly pushed forward as directed, and reached 
Hackensack on the second or third day following. 

Everything, at this time, indicated that a conflict was at hand ; 
and Morgan and his corps were eager for a better opportunity 
than had yet offered to distinguish themselves. But, again 
all was doubt and uncertainty as to the real object of the enemy's 
active and extensive preparations. Their fleet, having taken 
on board a large number of troops and stores, had dropped down 
the bay, encouraging the presumption that it was about putting 
to sea. The orders, which originated in a belief that the enemy 
intended moving up the Hudson, were accordingly counter- 

* Mr. Lott's Farm, nth July, 1777. 
Dear Sir: Upon a presumption that the enemy intend to move either up the North 
or East river, our army marched this morning from Morristown, and will proceed leisurely 
towards the Clove, unless we have some certain intelligence that they intend southward. 
Colonel Dayton, who is at Elizabethtown, watching the motions of the feet, will give 
you immediate information which way thej' go. If up the East or North river, you will 
follow directly, keeping upon the right flank of the main army. The road is rather better 
than the one we march. You need not harass your men, but come on leisurely : if ther<? 
is any occasion to hurry, we will send an express to you. 

I am, dear sir, your most obedient servant, 

Tench Tilghman, A.D.C. 
Colonel Morgan, at Chatham. 

t Head Quarters, near Clove, \^th July, 9 o'clock, P.M., 1777. 
Dear Sir: We have received your letter of this date. From the intelligence received 
this afternoon, we have every reason to believe that the enemy are about to move up the 
North river. It is, therefore, his excellency's orders, that upon receipt of this, you 
march your corps to the bridge, at the great falls, from thence to Paramus, thence 
to Kakegate, and thence to Haverstraw ; there to observe the motions of the enemy; and, 
if they land on the west side of the river, below the Highlands, you are to take possession 
of the road to the forest of Dean Furnace, and oppose their penetrating that way. iJut, 
if the enemy push up the river, you are to get over the mountains to Fort Montgomery, 
and there wait for further order. Your baggage (except what you think necessary for the 
men to carry), is to be sent by the nearest route towards this place, and from here 
to whatever place the army is, under a small guard. 

I am, dear sir, your most obedient servant, 

John Fitzgerald, A.D.C. 
Colonel Morgan. 



130 THE LIFE OF 

nianded ; and Morgan, on reaching Hackensack, received direc- 
tions* to halt until further orders. 

He, accordingly, halted at this place for a few days. The 
intentions of the enemy still remained unknown, yet their great 
preparations rendered it certain that they meditated some impor- 
tant expedition. The only resource left the commander-in-chief 
in this emergency, was to dispose of his force in such a manner as 
to be in some measure prepared for the enemy in whatever quar- 
ter they might appear. In the meanwhile, he exercised an untir- 
ing vigilance in watching their movements, and in guarding 
against a surprise. 

A few days elapsed, when ncAvs was received, which, for a 
time, seemed to furnish a certain clue to the enemy's designs. 
The fleet had left New York, with a very large force on board, 
and stood out to sea. Apprehending now that Philadelphia was 
the point threatened, as it subsequently proved to be, the com- 
mander-in-chief put the greater part of his army at once in 
motion towards that city. The orders which reached Morgan on 
this occasion, were as follows : — 

Camp at Kamapaugh, Jxdy 24, i777. 
Sir : The enemy's fleet having left Sandy Hook and gone to sea, you 
are immediately, on receipt of this, to march with the corps under your 
command to the city of Philadelphia, and there receive orders from the 

* Clove, Jnly 21, 1777, 7 o'clock, A.M. 
Dear Sir : Since I wrote to you the night before last, we found out that the intelli- 
gence which occasioned the order to you, was premature. His excellency, therefore, 
orders me to direct, that if you have marched to the northward of Paramus, you return 
and take post there. If you have not got so far on receipt of this, you are to occupy some 
place near you which you may find most convenient for the reception of your men. If 
your baggage has not got far from you, you had better order it back immediately. 
I am, sir, your most obedient servant, 

John Fitzgerald, A.D.C. 
P.S. — You will let us know where you are as soon as you have fixed upon a place. At 
it may be probable that the enemy may make an incursion from Staten Island, you wil 
require no instructions from head-quarters to march and oppose them. 

J. P. 
Colonel Morgan, Rifle Corps. 



GENEEAL DANIEL MORGAN. 131 

commanding officer. You will proceed as expeditiously as you can by 
the shortest routes : you will take no heavy baggage with you, but leave it 
to follow with an officer, and a proper guard. 
I am, sir, &c., 

George Washington. 
Col. Morgan. 

In less than an hour after the above order was received, Mor- 
gan and his corps were on the march to Philadelphia. On 
arriving at Trenton, he halted for a few days at that place, in 
obedience to orders* to that effect. The mind of the com- 
mander-in-chief was not yet altogether clear of doubt as to 
the real object of the enemy. But, another day seemed to render 
this unmistakable. The fleet had appeared off the capes of Dela- 
ware, standing in. Morgan was advised of this fact by a notef 
from Col. Naylor, and, in anticipation of orders, he crossed 
the Delaware, and pushed on without delay towards Philadelphia. 

The several divisions of the army were now rapidly approach- 
ing the neighborhood of Philadelphia. The militia of Pennsyl- 
vania, and of the adjoining States, immediately took the field. 
The approach of the enemy was rendered seemingly certain, and 
every preparation was made to meet them. But, once again the 
commander-in-chief was involved in a state of uncertainty. The 
fleet, after hovering about the mouth of Delaware bay for a 

* Coknell's Ferry, July 28, 1777. 

Sib : Should this reach you before you arrive at Trenton, it is his Excellency's desire 

that you make a halt there until further orders. Should you have passed it, you are to 

stop at Bristol, there to remain until you hear from him. 

I am, your most humble servant, 

R. R. Meade, A.D.C. 
Colonel Morgan. 

t Trenton, July 31, 1777. 
Sir : A letter from Mr. Hancock informs that the enemy's fleet were yesterday in the 
offing, and desires that all the troops here should advance immediately. I think you haj 
best get over your regiment as soon as you possibly can. 

I am, sir, your humble servant, 

Stephen Natlor, Colonel G. D. 
CSoLONEL Morgan. 



132 THELIFEOF 

clay or two, stood out to sea in an easterly direction. Appre- 
hending that the enemy's extraordinary movements might tend, 
after all, towards the Highlands, he at once took measures to 
strengthen the force in that quarter, by bodies of militia from 
New York and Connecticut."^ 

To add to his perplexities, the intelligence of the fall of Ticon- 
deroga, and of Burgoyne's advance, reached him about this time, 
accompanied by clamorous demands for large detachments from 
his army to reinforce that in the north. Feeling certain that 
General Howe's designs had reference to the section of country 
occupied by his army ; reflecting, besides, that the defence of this 
section against the main army of the enemy was an object, supe- 
rior in importance to any other existing, he felt reluctant to 
weaken his force in aid of the northern army, until these designs 
should be fully developed. 

In the belief that the fleet had gone eastward, the army was 
put in motion towards the Hudson. A day or two previous 
to this movement, Morgan received orders to advance with his 
corps to Maidenhead.f He had accordingly marched, and was 
about crossing the Delaware, in the neighborhood of Trenton, 
when counter orders| were sent to him. The army had not 

* Sparks's Writings of Washington, vol. iv., p. 476. 

t Camp near Germantown, Aug. 9, 1777. 
Sir: You will march, to-morrow morning, tlie corps under your command, for 
Maidenhead, in the State of Jersey, and there halt till you receive further orders. In 
your march, as during your stay at that place, you will take every possible care in your 
power to restrain every species of licentiousness in the soldiery, and to prevent them 
doing the least injury to the inhabitants or their property; as nothing can be moredisser- 
viceable to our cause, or more unworthy of the character we profess, to say nothing of the 
injustice of the measure. 

I am, sir, your most obedient servant, 

George Washington. 
Colonel Morgan. 

y X Camp at the Cross Roads, Bucks Co., 

Simday,10th Aug., 1777, 10 o'clock, P.M. 
I have just received an express from Philadelphia, informing me that a large fleet was 
Been ofif Sinepuxent Inlet on the 7th inst. You are, therefore, directed to halt wherevel 
this finds you, and wait till we hear further of the matter. Let me knoT, by return of th« 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 133 

heen in motion more than a day, when intelligence was received 
that the fleet had again appeared on the Yth, off Sinepuxent 
Inlet, a place about fifty miles south of the Capes of Delaware. 
An immediate halt was hereupon ordered, with the determination 
to await the development of the enemy's plans. 

The rapid advance of Burgoyne, now attracted the serious 
attention of Washington towards the north, whither the scene of 
of our narrative is about to change. Two regiments had been 
already ordered from Peekskill in aid of the northern army ; and 
more were speedily to follow. Among others, it was determined 
that Morgan's corps should be sent to that quarter. The terror 
which Burgoyne's Indian auxiliaries had spread among the 
people, by the murder and rapine which marked their path, 
required counteraction ; and it was, not without reason, believed 
by the commander-in-chief, that in Morgan and his corps, such a 
counteraction would be found. He felt assured that they would 
prove more than a match for the Indians, and soon reassure the 
affrighted people. Still, the valuable services which they had 
performed, made him extremely reluctant to part with them. 
Nothing but the appeal to his benevolent impulses, which was 
coupled with the desire for the aid of this corps — that an inhuman 
and merciless system of warfare might meet with merited chas- 
tisement — induced him to detach them on this service. Orders 
were accordingly issued, as follows : — 

Neshamini Camp, August 16, 17T7. 
Sir : After you receive this, you will march, as soon as possible, with 
the corps under your command, to Peekskill, taking with you all the bag- 
gage belonging to it. When you arrive there, you will take directions 

express, where you are, that I may know how to direct for you when I have occasion to 
send you orders. 

I am, sir, your most humble servant, 

Georqk Washington. 
P.S.— By ordering you to halt where this shall find you, I mean upon the most conv* 
nient ground near the place. 
Colonel Mobgan. 



134: THE LIFE OF 

from General Putnam, who, I expect, will have vessels provided to carry 
you to Albany. The approach of the enemy in that quarter has made a 
further reinforcement necessary, and I know of no corps so likely to check 
their progress, in proportion to its number, as that under your command. 
I have great dependence on you, your officers and men, and I am per- 
suaded you will do honor to yourselves, and essential services to your 
country. 

I expect that your corps has been paid to the last of June ; but, 
as you are going on this command, and they may have occasion for more 
money, you will make out an estimate, as well as you can, for the sum due 
them for the month of July, and send an officer with it, to whom the 
amount shall be paid. I do not mean to exclude the corps from their pay 
in June. If that has not been paid, include it in the estimate. 

I have nothing more to add, than my wishes for your success. 
I am, sir, your most obedient servant, 

George Washington. 

Colonel Morgan. 

In obedience to these orders, Morgan put his corps in motion 
for the North, where he was destined to add so greatly to the 
laurels he had ah-eady won. The corps was in high spirits at the 
prospect of being speedily in a quarter where their fighting pro- 
pensities might find full exercise. 

While on the march, they were overtaken by further orders,* 
not on this occasion countermanding those preceding, but supple- 
mentary to them. In obedience to these orders the march was 
hastened in the direction of Peekskill. 

About a week after Morgan's departure for the North, and when 

^■' / 

* Head-quarters, Aug. 18, 1777. 
Dear Sir: In addition to the orders already sent to you by his Excellency, I have 
't in orders from him to request, that you will march your corps with all possible dispatch 
to join the army under command of Major General Gates, and when there, you will take 
orders from him and act accordingly. 

I am, for his Excellency, 

Your most obed't serv't, 

John Fitzgerald, 

Aide-de-Camp. 
CoLONBL Morgan, 
Colonel ofrijle corps on the march for Albany. 



aENEEAL DANIEL MORGAN. 135 

he bad proceeded too far to be recalled, intelligence was received 
tbat tbe Britisb fleet bad arrived in Chesapeake Bay, and that 
Howe, with sixteen thousand men, had landed, and was marching 
towards Philadelphia.* 

Washington, in the meantime, had advised General Gates of 
Morgan's advance to join him. "From various representations 
made to me," he observes, " of tbe disadvantages the army lay 
under, particularly the militia, from an apprehension of the Indian 
mode of fighting, I have dispatched Colonel Morgan, with bis 
corps of riflemen, to your assistance, and expect tbat they will 
be with you in eight or ten days from this date. This corps I 
have great dependence on, and have no doubt but they will be 
exceedingly useful to you ; as a check given to the savages, and 
keeping them within proper bounds, will prevent General Bur- 
'goyne from getting intelligence as formerly, and animate your 
other troops, from a sense of their being more on an equality with 
tlie enemy. "f 

'^ On the same subject, the commander-in-chief wrote to General 
Putnam on the 16th: 

" The people in the Northern army seem so intimidated by the 
Indians, that I have determined to send up Colonel Morgan's corps 
of riflemen, who will fight them in their own way. They will 
march from Trenton to-morrow morning, and reach Peekskill with 
all expedition. You will please to have sloops ready to transport 
them, and provisions laid in, that they may not wait a moment. 
The corps consists of five hundred men."J 

To Governor Clinton, in a letter of the same date, he 
observes : — 

" In addition to the two regiments which are gone from Peeks- 
kill, I am forwarding as fast as possible, to join the Northern army. 
Colonel Morgan's corps of riflemen, amounting to about five hun- 
dred. These are all chosen men, selected from the army at large 

* Marshall's Washington, vol. i., p. 153. 

t Sparks's Writings of Washington, toI. v., p. 87. % Ibid., p. 88. 



136 THELIFEOF 

well acquainted with the use of rifles, and with that mode of fight 
ing, which is necessary to make them a good counterpoise to the 
Indians ; and they have distinguished themselves on a variety of 
occasions, since the formation of the corps, in skirmishes with the 
enemy. I expect the most eminent services from them, and I 
shall be mistaken if their presence does not go far towards pro- 
ducing a general desertion among the savages."* 

Morgan, at the head of his corps, proceeded without delay to 
Peekskill. Here, having embarked his troops in the vessels which 
had been prepared for their reception, he started by a more expe- 
ditious method of travelling to Albany, leaving Lieutenant Colonel 
Butler to command during the passage. 

Until a short time previous to this date, the operations m this 
quarter had resulted in a succession of disasters to the American 
cause. The reconquest of Canada was followed by the fall of 
Ticonderoga, and all the other American posts on that frontier. 
Burgoyne, at the head of a powerful army and an auxiliary force 
of Indians and Canadians, had penetrated deep into the country, 
spreading death and desolation among its inhabitants, and was 
now encamped near the Hudson. Here his career was destined 
to terminate. Those severe reverses w^hich he experienced at 
Bennington and in Tryon county, must have warned him of the 
fate which awaited him, even before the arrival of Gates and a 
large reinforcement. This oificer succeeded General Schuyler in 
the command of the Northern army on the 19th of August. In 
leply to the letter of the commander-in-chief. Gates took in 
review the state of afiairs in the North at that time. He like 
wise expressed his thanks for being permitted to obtain the 
valuable aid of Morgan and his corps. From the important 
relation which Morgan bore to these afl:airs, a cursory glance at 
them is called for. As this will be best performed by the letter 
itself, its introduction here may be pardoned the more readily; 

* Sparks's Writings of Washington, vol. v., p. 80, 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 137 

inasmuch as its remarks regarding Morgan and his corps bring it 
within the scope of our legitimate labors. 

Head-quarters, Aug. 22, 1777. 

Sir : Upon my arrival in this department, I found the main body of the 
army encamped upon Van Schaick's Island, which is made by the sprouts 
of the Mohawk river joining with Hudson's river, nine miles north of 
Albany. A brigade under General Poor encamped at Loudon's Ferry, on 
the south bank of the Mohawk river, five miles from hence ; a brigade 
under General Lincoln had joined General Stark at Bennington, and a 
brigade under General Arnold, marched the 15th inst., to join the militia of 
Tryon County, to raise the siege of Fort Stanwix. Upon leaving Philadel- 
phia, the prospect this way appeared very gloomy ; but the severe checks 
the enemy have met with at Bennington and Tryon County, has given a 
more pleasing view to public affairs. Particular accounts of the signal 
victory gained by General Stark, and the severe blow General Herkimer 
gave Sir John Johnston and the scalpers under his command, have been 
transmitted to your Excellency by General Schuyler. I anxiously expect 
the arrival of an express from General Arnold, with an account of the 
total defeat of the enemy in that quai-ter. By my calculation he reached 
Foi't Stanwix the day before yesterday. Colonel Livingston and Court- 
land's regiments arrived yesterday, and immediately joined General Poor's 
division. I shall also order General Arnold, upon his return, to march to 
th»t fort. 

# I cannot sufficiently thank your Excellency for sending Colonel 
Morgan's corps to this army ; they will be of the greatest service to 
it, for until the late successes this Avay, I am told the army were quite 
panic-struck by their Indians, and their Tory and Canadian assassins 
in Indian dresses. Horrible, indeed, have been the cruelties they have 
wantonly committed upon many of the miserable inhabitants ; insomuch, 
that all is now fair for General Burgoyne, even if the bloody hatchet he 
has so barbarously used should find its way into his own head./ '' 

Governor Clinton will be here to-day. Upon his arrival, I shall consult 
with him and General Lincoln, upon the best plan to distress, and I hope, 
finally defeat the enemy. 

I am sorry to be necessitated to acquaint your Excellency how neglect- 
fully your orders have been executed at Springfield. Few of the 
militia demanded are yet arrived, but I hear of great numbers upon the 
march. 



138 THE LIFE OF 

Your Excellency's advice in regard to Morgan's corps, &c., &c., shall be 
carefully observed. 

My scouts and spies inform me, that the enemy's head-quarters and 
main body are at Saratoga, and that they have lately been repairing the 
bridges between that place and Stillwater.* 

As soon as time and circumstances will adm^t, I will send your Excel- 
lency a general return of this army. 
I am, sir, 

Your Excellency's most 

Obedient humble servant, 

Horatio Gates. 
His Excellency, General Washington. 

Morgan, upon his arrival at Albany, found that pieparationa 
had already been made for the reception of his troops, and the 
transportation of their baggage to the scene of action. As may- 
be inferred from the annexed letter which awaited his arrival, 
General Gates was anxious to avail himself of his services at as 
early an hour as possible : — 

Head-quarters, Aug. 29, 1777. 
Dear Sir : I had much satisfaction in being acquainted by General 
Washington of your marching for this department. I have by this con- 
veyance ordered Colonel Lewis, D. Q. M. General at Albany, to provide 
you, immediately upon your landing, with carriages for your baggage, 
and whatever may be necessary ; tents, and a camp equipage, I conclude 
you have brought with you. I could wish you to march as soon as pos- 
sible to Loudon's Ferry, where the ground is marked for your present 
encampment. I have draughted one subaltern, one sergeant, one corporal, 
and fifteen picked men from each regiment of this army to serve with 
your corps and to be under your command. When you have seen your 
regiment to their ground, I desire you will come to head-quarters. 
I am, sir. 

Your affectionate, 

Humble servant, 

Horatio Gates. 

Colonel Morgan, 

Commanding rijle corps, Albany. 

* Wilkinson's Memoirs. 



GENEKAL DANIEL MORGAN. 139 

JpoK. arriving at head-quarters, Morgan met with a cordial 
' eeting from General Gates. Among other tokens of the regard 
4 which he was held, his corps was designated as the advance of 
the army, and he was directed to receive orders only from the 
general-in-chief. So flattering a reception could not fail to make 
a due impression on Morgan, who now longed for a speedy oppor- 
tunity of justifying the general in his favorable opinions. 

In a few days his men arrived, and soon afterwards took post at 
the position assigned them. They were joined at that place by 
the promised reinforcement of their numbers, which was. orga- 
nized into a battalion of light infantry under Major (afterwards 
General) Dearborn. The men of this battalion numbering two hun- 
dred and fifty, were selected from the line of the army, with careful 
reference to their bodily vigor and their acquaintance with bush- 
fighting. Their commander was as gallant a soldier as ever wore 
a sword.* He was doubly acceptable to Morgan, inasmuch as 
they had together shared in the toils, misfortunes, and glories of 
Arnold's expedition against Quebec, during which a warm friend- 
ship had been cemented between them. 

* Wilkinson's Memoirs, p. 280, 



14:0 THE LIFE OF 



CHAPTER VIII. 

The American army encamp on Behmus Heights— Morgan thrown forward to cbserve the 
enemy— He engages a German regiment, and forces it to retire— The British take a posi- 
tion nearer to the American camp — The events preliminary to, and attendant upon, 
the battle of Behmus Heights — Reflections on this battle — The letters of the opposing 
generals concerning it — The projected assault — Burgoyne resolves to await the expected 
junction with Sir Henry Clinton — Difficulty between Gates and Arnold respecting Mor- 
gan and his command — Arnold resigns his command in the army — Gates refuses to be 
reconciled to Arnold, or to restore him to his command — Remarks on these cir- 
cumstances. 

Morgan was not destined to remain long inactive. The events 
of the preceding month had produced a great change in the 
prospects of the contending armies. The confidence which ani- 
mated the British during the early stages of the campaign, had 
been transferred to the Americans, and the terror and desponden^'-y 
which the latter had experienced, had taken possession of the 
enemy. The withdrawal of Schuyler from the command, and the 
appointment thereto of Gates, had produced a ftivorable influence 
upon the militia, who now turned out with alacrity. The large 
reinforcements which had been sent forward were on the ground, 
ready for action. The time had at length ai'rived, when the Ame- 
rican arms in this quarter might safely count on a triumph. 

On the 8th of September, the army under General Gates, num- 
bering at that time about six thousand men, struck their tents at 
the encampment at Sunset, and advanced towards Stillwater.* 
The day previous, Morgan was advised of the intended movement,! 

* Wilkinson's, vol. i., p. 232. 

t Head Quarters, stmset, S^pt. 7, 1777. 
Sir : You are to assemble the corps under your conmiand upon the heights abov« 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 141 

and received the instructions by which his conduct was to be 
gmded. It was thought, at the time, that the enemy had crossed 
the Hudson, and that the advance of the army would certainly 
13roduce an action. The rifle corps was in high spirits at the 
prospect. But, these expectations were, however, disappointed, as 
nothing of moment occured during the march to Behmus Heights, 
which place, having been selected for an encampment, was occu- 
pied by the American army on the 12th. 

Measures were at once taken to ascertain the position, strength, 
and objects of the enemy. Spies and reconnoitering parties were 
sent forward to gain the desired information. The rifle corps was 
ordered to take a position some distance in front of the American 
left, the quarter most likely to be assailed. Morgar was directed 
to observe the enemy closely, and to give early notice should they 
attempt a forward movement. 

In a few days it was ascertained, that Burgoyne, having 
assembled his whole force at Saratoga, and collected thirty days' 
provisions, had determined to push forward to Albany, and was 
then marching towards the American camp.f 

General Gates determined to oppose the enemy's advance. The 
American army had been actively employed in erecting field- 
works, and otherwise strengthening the camp. Their exertions 
were now redoubled. Expresses were sent in every direction, 
spreading the intelligence, and calling out the militia. Morgan 

Half Moon, to-morro-w morning, at gun-firing; you will direct the officer of your rear- 
guard to be attentive to the march of the columns upon the right and left of your corps ; 
and you will dispatch intelligence to me and to General Arnold, of all extraordinai-y 
motions of the enemy; and everything you think it is necessary we should be informed of. 
You cannot be too careful in reconnoitering your front, and gaining every possible know- 
ledge of the ground, and the surrounding country. 

Reposing especial trust and confidence in your experience and capacity, I rest satis- 
fied you will exert all your endeavors for the good of the public service. You will hear 
from me frequently in the course of the day's operations, which makes it unnecessary 1 1 
add more at present, than that I am, with aflfection and esteem, 
I- Dear sir, your most obedient humble servant, 

j . Horatio Gatks. 

I Colonel Morgan. 

* Wilkinson's Memoirs, vol. i., p. 232. t Ibid. p. 233. 



142 THE LIFE OF 

was kepffar in advance, watching the movements of the enemj; 
with the privilege of attacking them whenever an opportunity 
offered. The terror inspired by his name among the Canadians 
and Indians, had induced a general desertion of these branches 
of the British force, while their regulars could not make a move- 
ment beyond the precincts of their camp, without receiving a vol- 
ley of rifle balls. Thus, the American army now enjoyed, in 
Morgan's corps, all the advantages which the enemy had derived 
at the opening of the campaign, from a legion of Canadians and 
savages. 

On the 13th and 14th of September, the British army crossed 
the Hudson. This step was a bold, but not a judicious one. It 
proved a Kubi .'.on of gloomy omen to Burgoyne. Advancing with 
caution, however, his army arrived within three miles of the 
American camp on the morning of the 18th. A detachment of 
one thousand five hundred men, composed of Morgan's corps and 
a part of General Poor's brigade, under General Arnold, was here- 
upon thrown forward. The enemy were in motion when this 
detachment came within view of them. They marched in such 
compact bodies, however, and with so much circumspection, as to 
render it hazardous to attempt anything decisive against them. 
But, Morgan fell in with and engaged a German regiment ; and, 
after a short encounter, in which a few men were killed and 
wounded on both sides, and about a dozen Germans made pri- 
soners, the enemy retired, and the detachment returned to camp. 

The British advanced in the afternoon to a position on the 
banks of the Hudson, about two miles from that occupied by the 
American army on Behraus Heights, and formed their encamp- 
ment. The intermediate space between the adverse armies was 
partly cleared and partly woodland. The land along the margin 
of the river was under cultivation ; while that higher up was 
covered with its native forest, with the exception of three or four 
small, newly opened, and deserted farms, separated at intervals by 
woodland, and interposing between the flanks of the opposing 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 143 

armies most remote from the river. The ground intervening 
between the centre of both armies was very rngged, and covered 
with an impenetrable tliicket.* Morgan's corps was stationed 
in advance of the American left wing, among these alternations 
of woods and clearing, having the impassable ground occupying 
the centre on its right. It was, consequently, in a position 
where, if the enemy approached, it could fight to the best advan- 
tage. The Occasion was not long wanting. 

On the raorning of the 19th, a body of the British army was 
discovered moving fro-m the bank of the river, and ascending the 
high ground opposite to the American left wing. General Gates 
immediately sent orders to Morgan to advance with his corps, 
directing him, should the enemy be found approaching, to hang 
on their front and flanks, retard their march, and cripple them as 
much as possible. The corps accordingly formed into two lines. 
The first was composed of two companies of the riflemen, headed 
by Major Morris, followed by Major Dearborn's light infantry, the 
whole commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Butler. The second, 
formed of the main body of the corps, was directed by Morgan 
himself. The front line advanced for about half an hour, when 
it suddenly came upon a strong picket of the enemy, about three 
hundred in number, drawn up on one of the deserted clearings 
before mentioned, and occupying a log-house erected on the 
ground. A general and deadly volley was the first intimation 
the picket had of the proximity of such unpleasant neighbors ; 
and this was so quickly followed by a vigorous charge by the 
light infantry, that the British fled in the greatest disorder. Our 
troops pushed on with ardor after the fugitives. They had passed 
the clearing and entered some distance into the woods beyond, 
when they suddenly and unexpectedly found themselves within a 
few paces of a large body of the enemy. The next instant, a 
heavy fire from the latter killed and wounded a number of the 
light infantry and riflemen, and admonished the remainder of tho 

* Wilkinson's Memoirs, vol. i., p. 236. 



144 THE LIFE OF 

necessity of an immediate retreat. This was not effected -without 
the additional loss of Captain Swearingen, Lieutenant Moore, and 
a number of men who were taken prisoners."*" Lieutenant-Colonel 
Butler and Major Dearborn were enabled to. avoid a similar fate 
without much difficulty. But Major Morris, with characteristic 
impetuosity, was foremost in the pursuit, and the first intimation 
he had of the neighborhood of the enemy in such strength was 
to find himself in their midst. Nevertheless he gallantly dashed 
his horse througli their ranks, riding over half a dozen men, and 
succeeded amid a shower of balls in eftecting his escape and rejoining 
his command. The remainder of the corps was scattered in every 
direction, soon to be reunited, however, for to collect, disperse, 
tiee and pursue, were parts of the tactics of this celebrated corps ; 
and although few were slower in retiring before the enemy, none 
were more active in their pursuit. The frequent encounters which 
they had had with the enemy's pickets and scouting parties, gene- 
rally resulted in a capture of a number of the latter. The heavily 
encumbered English or German soldier was no match for the 
lightly equipped and active backwoodsman in a trial of speed. 

On hearing the fire in front, Morgan pressed forward in all 
haste with the second line to take part in the engagement, when 
he was met by a number of the fugitives. If Morgan was dis- 
tinguished for any quality more than that of courage, it was for 
prudence and circumspection when in the neighborhood of an 
enemy, with the strength and disposition of whose force he was 
unacquainted. But once having ascertained what he had to con- 
tend against, and believing that he could overcome it, nothing 
could exceed the impetuosity of his assault. Lidignation and 
alarm now by turns took possession of his feelings, under the 
impression that by the recklessness of his officers in rushing for- 
ward the first divison had been destroyed. Colonel Wilkin&cn 
relates in his memoirs,* that, " tempted by the firing, he found a 
pretext to visit the scene of strife, although forbidden by General 

* Wilkinson, vol. i., p. 246. t Ibid., vol. i., 137-138. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 14:5 

Gatefe to leave head-quarters." He arrived soon after the occur- 
■jience of the event just described. 

" The first officer I fell in with," he says, " was Major Dearborn, 
who, with great animation and not a little warmth, was forming 
thirty or forty file of his infantry. I exchanged a few words with 
him, passed on, and met Major Morris, who was never so sprightly 
as under a hot fire." 

After receiving a description of the events of the action from 
the major, and being cautioned against exposing himself to the 
enemies' sharpshooters, Wilkinson proceeds : 

" I crossed the angle of the field, leaped the fence, and just before 
me on a ridge, discovered Lieutenant-Colonel Butler with three men, 
all treed. From him I learned that they had 'caught a Scotch prize :' 
that having forced the picket, they had closed with the British line, 
had been instantly routed, and from the suddenness of the shock 
and the nature of the ground, were broken and scattered in all 
directions. Returning to the camp to report to the general," 
Wilkinson continues, " my ears were saluted by an uncommon 
noise, when I approached, and perceived Colonel Morgan, attended 
by two men only, and who, with a turkey-call (an instrument made 
from a turkey-bone for decoying the wild turkey), was collecting 
his dispersed troops. The moment I came up to him, he burst 
into tears, and exclaimed, ' I am ruined, by God! Major Morris 
ran on so rapidly with his front, that they were beaten before I 
could get up with the rear, and my men are scattered God knows 
where.' " 

Remarking upon Morgan's almost invariable rule when march- 
ing to action, of bringing up the rear of his corps, Wilkinson 
observes in a note to a passage in the foregoing extract : — 

" I took occasion to inquire into his motives, and he answered 
me l^riefly, ' that they were to see that every man did his duty, 
and that cowards did not lag behind while brave men were fight- 
ing.'" 

Partly from discipline, and partly from the directing sounds of 

n 



146 THE LIFE OF 

the turkey call, a brief time sufficed to bring the dispersed division 
of the corps together again. This being eflfected, the whole regiment 
advanced in a body towards the scene of the recent conflict. — 
Approaching the clearing, a large body of the enemy were found 
occupying the ground. The attack which immediately ensued was 
pushed with such vigor, as speedily to force the British to retire, 
until they reached an eminence fronting an open piece of ground 
called " Freeman's Fields." Here, through the vigorous exertibns 
of their officers, and the encouragement afforded them by a rein- 
forcement, they made a stand. A fierce and deadly struggle ensued. 
But the advantages which the enemy held in a superiority of num- 
bers and in artillery, at length yielded them a temporary triumph, 
and Morgan was compelled to retire under cover of the woods. 
This movement was the more necessary, as a large body of the ene- 
my was perceived advancing to attack him in flank. At this mo- 
ment tv/o regiments of ISTew Hampshire troops, commanded by Cols^ 
Scammel and Cilley, appeared and formed on the left of the Rifle 
corps, and engaged the advancing body of the enemy. Thus secure 
on both flanks, that on the right being covered by impenetrable 
thickets and a marshy ravine, Morgan renewed the action with 
those in his front with redoubled vigor. The severe loss which his 
corps had sustained, served only to inspire officers and men with 
greater ardor, and a keener desire for revenge. The well directed 
fire of six hundred marksmen soon forced the enemy once more to 
seek safety on the woody eminence, not, however, before the ground 
was covered with their killed and wounded. In retiring, they were 
compelled to abandon their artillery ; but they took the precaution 
to carry away with them their linstocks.* In consequence, the 
guns could not be immediately used by their captors ; it was deter- 
mined however, to carry them oflf. The nature of the ground did 
not admit of their speedy removal ; and the enemy, under cover of the 
woods on the hill, rallied in their defence. The attempt to bear 
off the valuable prize was met by a destructive fire ; and it was not 

♦Wilkinson, vol. i., p. 241. 



GENEKAL DANIEL MORGAN. 147 

until a great many valuable lives had been sacrificed in the elSbrt, 
that it was relinquished. The positions respectively occupied at 
this time by Morgan and his opponents gave the latter an advan- 
tage which had once already forced him to retire. His troops 
were exposed to the fire of an enemy, for the most part, under 
cover. Could the guns have been made use of, the scale would 
have turned in his favor. But under existing circumstances, there 
was no alternative but to retreat to his late position. This step 
was not taken, however, until repeated eftbrts had been made to 
drive the enemy from their stronghold — eflforts which were attended 
with much bloodshed on both sides. 

At this period of the action, the strength of the adverse forces 
engaged had been greatly augmented. Soon after the arrival of 
Scammel's and Cilley's regiments, they were followed by those of 
Hale, Van Courtlandt, Livingston, Cook, and Latimer, composing 
the whole of Gen. Poor's brigade. As these regiments succes- 
sively arrived, they formed to the left, extending the line in that 
direction. The enemy, in the mean time, had sent forward reinforce- 
ments to an equal, if not a greater extent, and forming on the 
right of their troops engaged, took position in front of the regi- 
ments just named. The American force now in the field amounted 
to about 2,500 men, while that of the enemy was considerably 
more. The latter were aided by several pieces of artillery ; but 
the former had none. 

About 3 o'clock, the action became general from right to left. 
At the centre, and particulariy at the right, where Morgan was 
posted, it was warm and sanguinary ; and along the whole line the 
firing did not cease till darkness closed upon the combatants. 
Again and again had Morgan driven the British troops opposed to 
him back on the eminence beyond Freeman's clearing. Their 
cannon had become almost useless from the want of men to serve 
them. Freed from the advantage which this powerful arm of war 
afibrded his opponents, he made the most desperate eff"orts to drive 
them over the hill, and thus turn the left flank of the enemy. But 



148 THE LIFE OF 

as often was lie forced to retire before the great odds which were 
brought to bear upon him whenever his advance threatened the 
accomplishment of his object. 

The battle raged for upwards of five hours, with an obstinacy 
never before witnessed in America. Victory seemed hovering 
over the contending armies, undecided, as it were, in whose favor 
she would declare herself. At one moment, the enemy seemed 
on the point of achieving a complete triumph ; but the next 
evinced a change in the tide of battle, which rendered their dis- 
comfiture apparently inevitable. While one body of Americans, 
too hardly pressed, might be seen retiring before their immediate 
adversaries, another might be noticed gallantly driving their 
opponents before them. The triumphant shouts of friends and 
enemies were often heard at the same moment, coming from dif- 
ferent parts of the field, and blending together in a strange and 
terrible dissonance. The unceasing rattle of musketry, accompa- 
nied by the roar of artillery, and the rapid alternations of forward and 
retrograde movements, left no respite for excitement to subside, or 
courage to cool ; while the protraction of the conflict familiarized 
the men with death, blunted their sense of danger, and rendered 
them anxious to encounter every peril which promised to lead to a 
victorious result. 

The sun was about setting when the American ranks were 
further reinforced by Gen. Learned and his entire brigade, and 
one regiment from Gen. Patterson's brigade. A body of German 
and British troops had been sent from their camp, and were then 
occupying the right of the British line, in a position to outflank 
the American left. The fresh reinforcement brought these troops 
to action ; but the fire was feeble on both sides, and soon ceased 
altogether. 

While there was light to perceive objects, there seemed to be 
no abatement of the fire. Darkness at length put an end to the 
obstinate conflict. The opposing armies retired from the field 
together. The Americans returned to their camp but the 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 149 

British, apprehensive of a renewal of the contest before the next 
morning, slept on their arms in front of their camp, a short dis- 
tance from the field. 

The loss of the Americans in this action, as appears by the offi- 
cial returns, was eighty killed, two hundred and eighteen wounded, 
and twenty-three missing. Among the killed, were Lieut.-Col. 
Adams, of Hale's regiment, and Lieut.-Col. Colburn, of Scammel's 
regiment. The killed and wounded of the enemy amounted to 
nearly six hundred men, to which may be added the loss of a 
large body of Indians, Canadians, and Tories, who, on the termi- 
nation of the action, immediately deserted the British camp. 
Morgan's corps bore the brunt of the day's perils, and reaped the 
greater share of its glories. As may be supposed, it sufiered 
severely, having had fifty men killed, sixty-two wounded, and six 
missing. The sixty-second regiment of Hamilton's brigade, 
against which Morgan's regiment contended, lost one hundred and 
fifty of its men ; the troops sent to its assistance on one or two 
critical occasions, suffered to the extent of twenty or thirty more ; 
and of the forty-eight men who composed the artillery corps when 
the action commenced, and who were likewise arrayed against 
Morgan, but twelve left the field uninjured.* 

The force of the Americans engaged was nearly three thousand 
men. About one thousand more arrived on the field at an hour 
too late to take a part in the action. That of the British was at 
all times during the day superior in number, and when the action 
dosed, must have amounted to nearly four thousand men. 

The reflections to which this memorable battle give rise, have 
too often engaged the pen of history to call for their repetition 
here, excepting so far as they relate to the subject of our labors. 

In this connection, a few remarks are necessary. The motives 
or causes to which this engagement is ascribed, are differently 
interpreted by various authors. There is one point, however, on 
which all American, and a number of foreign writers agree, that 
the result gave our arms an indisputable claim to victory. , From 

* Wilkinson, vol. i., p. 239. 



150 THE LIFE OF 

the preceding 14tli of the month, the British had been advanc- 
ing; and the battle of the 18th was unquestionably the effect of 
their attempt to advance still further. It was the business of the 
Americans to check the progress of the British towards Albany, 
the point aimed at by the latter ; and the eflbrt with this end in 
view, was attended with complete success. It may be true, as has 
been asserted, that during the early part of the day, neither of the 
opposing Generals anticipated such important .events as those 
which attended its close. But whatever may have been the origi- 
nal intentions of General Burgoyne, in making a demonstration 
on the American left, whether important or trivial, they must have 
been subservient to any and every opportunity which might be 
afforded him for injuring his opponents and carrying out liis 
plans ; or he did not deserve the high reputation for resolution 
and tact which was generally accorded to him. That General 
Gates did not regard the affair in a serious light at its commence- 
ment, admits of a very strong presumption, notwithstanding all 
that has been said to the contrary. But if he did, it was the ten- 
dency of the attack, more than the attack itself, regarding which 
he was solicitous. He was so absorbed in apprehensions for his 
right, which covered the road to Albany, and the command of 
which especially devolved on himself, that he could not believe 
anything of consequence was meditated or occurring elsewhere. 
This will be taken for granted when the fact is made known, that 
during one of the most obstinately-contested actions of the war, in 
which nearly seven thousand men were engaged, not a single 
officer above the rank of a colonel appeared upon the ground 
until night began to close upon the combatants, when General 
Learned arrived with his brigade. Although the whole of Gen. 
Arnold's division took an active part in the strife, that officer 
never appeared in the action. Gen. Wilkinson informs us that 
Arnold was forbidden by Gates to visit the field, and direct the 
operations of his command.* Our object in stating these well 
authenticated facts, is to show, that the credit of this glorious 

♦Wilkinson, vol. i., pp. 245, 246. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 15i 

action, 'so generally accorded either to Arnold or to Gates, or to 
both, properly belongs to neither. It should go to enrich the 
memory of those gallant men, who, unassisted by the directing 
hand of either of their commanders, but cooperating in purpose 
from the impulses of a courage common to all, fought the battle 
and won the day. Historic truth requires this explanation, and 
public justice will give the laurels to those who won them. 

And among this glorious band of heroes — it is no injustice 
to the memory of any one of them to assert — Morgan was 
pre-eminently distinguished. His regiment was the first in the 
field, and the last out of it. Where it was engaged, the strife 
was more deadly and less interrupted, than in any other 
position. Its loss was greater in proportion to its numbers, 
than that of any other regiment engaged, while the number 
of the enemy which fell by its hands, was nearly one-half of that 
admitted by General Burgoyne to have fallen in the battle. 
Though Morgan was denied the merited mention in Gates' com- 
munications to Congress regarding this battle, justice claims for 
him the foremost position among those who had a share in 
the glories of ^he day. Posterity will freely accord him this, and 
hail him — as did his friends and neighbors on his return home a 
few months after — as." the hero of Stillwater." 

The news of this victory was received throughout the coun- 
try with demonstrations of joy. It was correctly regarded 
as the precursor of those more important events which were 
speedily to follow, and Gates and Arnold reaped a rich harvest 
S of undeserved honors and applause. The militia came flocking 
into the camp, and evinced a commendable disposition to be 
brought into action. A large number of Indians, also, joined the 
army. Everything bid fair for the speedy capture of Burgoyne, 
although it was some time after the battle of the 7th of Decem- 
ber, before Gates contemplated anything beyond driving him 
back to Canada. 

The letters from the respective commanders, which follow, will 



152 THE LIFE OF 

show the light in which the result of this battle was regarded by 
each. They likewise aptly illustrate the danger of receiving with 
too much confidence the ex 'parte statements of parties regarding 
events, in which their interest or their honor is concerned : — 

General Burgoyne to Brigadier-General Powell.* 

Camp near Stillwatkr, September 20, 1777. 
Dear Sir: I take the first opportunity to inform you, that we have 
had a very smart and honorable actirfjn, and are now encamped in front of 
the field, which must demonstrate our victory beyond the power of even 
an American news writer to explain away. 

The loss on each side cannot be particularly ascertained. 
Be so good as to give Sir Guy Carleton an account of this event, 
with my respects to him, till I can have an opportunity of sending him the 
particulars by a safe conveyance. I am, dear sir, with great esteem, 
Your most obedient servant, 

J. BuRGOYNE.f 



\ Extract of a letter from Major- General Gates to the Hon. J. Ilancocly 
President of Congress, dated, 

Camp, Heights above Behman's, September 22, 1777. 
Friday morning I was informed by my reconnoitering parties, that tho 
enemy had struck their camp, and were removing towards our left. I 
immediately detached Colonel Morgan's corps, consisting of the rifle regi- 
ment and the light infantry of the army, to observe their direction and 
harass their advance. This party, at half-past twelve, fell in with a picket 
of the enemy, which they immediately drove ; but, the enemy being rein- 

* Wilkinson, vol. i., p. 242. 

t The above letter was found in the shot-pouch of an Indian, who was killed by Lieu- 
tenant John Hardin, of Morgan's regiment, two or three days after the action to which It 
refers. Hardin had been detached with a party of riflemen to the rear of the British 
army, to gain intelligence. On his return, near Saratoga, he suddenly met the Indian at 
the summit of a sharp ridge. Both presented and fired at the same instant. The Indian 
fell ; Hardin escaped with a slight wound on his left side. The letter, with others, was 
delivered at head-quarters. After the war, Hardin removed to Kentucky, where he rose 
to the rank of a general. Having encountered numberless dangers in the service of his 
country, he was murdered near Sandusky, in 1791, by a party of Indians, while bearing 
a flag of truce, and a talk from General Washington. — WUti}Uon''s M&tn.^ vol. i.,p. 288. 
$ Wilkinson, vol. i., p. 24S, 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 153 

forced, after a brisk conflict they were in turn obliged to retire. This 
skirmish drew the main body of the enemy, and a brigade from my left, to 
support the action, which, after a short cessation, was renewed with 
great warmth and violence. At this instant, hearing from prisoners that 
the whole British force and a division of foreigners had engaged our 
party, I reinforced with four more regiments. This continued the action 
till the close of the day, when both armies retired from the field. Enclosed 
is a return of our loss ; and I am well assured, by the concurrent testi- 
mony of prisoners and deserters of various characters, that General Bur- 
goyne, who commanded in person, received a wound in his left shoulder, 
that the sixty-second regiment was cut to pieces, and that the enemy suf- 
fered extremely in every quarter where they were engaged. The general 
good behavior of the troops on this important occasion, cannot be sur- 
passed by the most veteran army ; to discriminate in praise of the offi- 
cers would be injustice, as they all deserved the honor and applause of 
Congress. Lieutenant-Colonel Colburn, and Lieutenant-Colonel Adams, 
with the rest of the unfortunate brave who fell in their country's cause, 
leave a lasting memorial to their glory. The armies remain encamped 
"within two miles of each other. 

On the morning after the action, a deserter from the British 
army arrived in camp, and communicated the information, iLat 
their whole force was under arms, and that in a few minutes more 
they would advance, and under cover of the heavy fog which pre- 
vailed at the time, assault the American entrenchments from 
right to left. The lines were immediately manned, and for more 
than an hour the army waited the threatened attack. It never 
came, however ; although subsequent developments proved that 
the information received was strictly correct. Under the circum- 
stances of the case, had the design been carried into execution, it 
was the opinion of those well qualified to judge, that the result 
might have been disastrous to the Americans. The ammunition 
of a large portion of the army, particularly that now chiefly 
menaced, had been exhausted in the action of the preceding day ; 
and, owing to the fatigue of men and officers, a fresh supply had 
not been obtained. The prevailing fog was remarkably dense, so 
much so as to render objects undistinguishable at the distance of 

7* 



154 THE LIFE OF 

thirty yards. The chief reliance in such a case would be the 
bayonet ; yet, but about one-third of the American force were 
furnished with that weapon. Remarking upon this thrilling occa- 
sion, Wilkinson observes : " We passed an awful hour of expecta- 
tion and suspense, during which, hope, fear, and anxiety, played 
upon the imagination. Many could hear the movement of 
the enemy, and others could discern through the floating mist 
the advance of their column. But, between eight and nine o'clock 
the sun dispersed the vapor, and we had no enemy in view. The 
report of the deserter was discredited, and the troops dismissed." 

It afterwards appeared that General Burgoyne had made every 
preparation for attacking, with his whole force, the American left 
on that morning. But, it being represented to him that the gre- 
nadiers and light infantry, who were to lead the attack, appeared 
fatigued, he deferred the prosecution of the design till the day 
following. During the same day, a letter from Sir Henry Clin- 
ton reached Burgoyne. By this, the latter was informed that the 
troops from New York were already far in advance northward, 
tiiat Furt Montgomery would be attacked about the 20th Septem- 
ber, and that thereafter he should receive speedy assistance. 
Burgoyne replied, that he was placed in a situation of extreme 
difficulty; but that he could wait for the promised aid till the 
12th of October. Having now determined to assume a defensive 
attitude until the arrival of Sir Henry Clinton, he abandoned the 
meditated assault upon the American camp, and commenced 
strengthening the defences of his camp, fortifying his right, and 
extending his left to the river.* 

A few days after these events, Morgan and his corps became 
the subject of a serious difference between General Gates and 
General Arnold. It will be recollected that upon the establish- 
ment of this corps, the commander-in-chief, in consideration of the 
arduous duties it would be constantly called upon to perform, 
exempted it from the common duties of the line. The letters 

* Wilkinson, vol. i., p. 250-252. 



GlOKEKAL DANIEL MORGAN. 165 

which passed between the commander-in-chief and Morgan, up to 
the time when the corps left Peekskili for the northern army, 
show, besides, that it received its orders from, and was held 
responsible only to, the former. Upon the arrival of Morgan and 
his corps at General Gates's camp, they were not only granted the 
privileges which they had hitherto enjoyed, but their numbers 
were augmented by Major Dearborn's battalion of light infantry, 
and they were the recipients, besides, of other distinguishing 
marks of favor. Arnold, under the impression that they were 
included in his command, occasionally exercised a control over 
their movements, which at length attracting the notice of General 
Gates, elicited the following general order : 

" Colonel Morgan's corps, not being attached to any brigade or 
division of the army, he is to make returns and reports to head- 
quarters only, from whence alone he is to receive orders." 

A violent altercation irjimediately ensued between Gates and 
Arnold. This was followed by a long and acrimonious cor- 
respondence, in which Arnold tendered the resignation of his 
command in the army, and asked permission to go to Philadel- 
phia. Much to his surprise and chagrin. Gates immediately 
accepted the resignation, and granted the required leave. Arnold, 
fearing the consequences to his reputation which might follow 
his desertion of the army at so critical a period of the campaign, 
soon after made some advances towards reconciling the difficulty, 
in the hope of being reinstated in his command. It was, how- 
ever, all in vain. The command of the left wing was assumed by 
Gates himself, and that of the right conferred upon General Lin- 
coln, who arrived in camp with a body of militia from the eastern 
States, while the quarrel was pending.* 

The services which Arnold had performed, and the courage 
'^Tld military talents which he had displayed, had spread his name 
throughout the country, as one of its ablest defenders. His remo- 
val from command was, therefore, a subject of general reg««t, but 

* Wilkinson, vol. i, p. 258-261. 



166 THE LIFE OF 

particularly so with tlie army, by whom he was greatly admired 
for his genius, boldness, and activity. This was especially the 
case as regarded the rifle corps, with many of the members 
of which, including its commander and a number of its oificers, 
he had shared in the sufferings and dangers of the Canadian expe- 
dition. It was, perhaps, to these high characieristics of a soldier, 
that he was indebted for the ungenerous couise which Gates per- 
severed in pursuing towards him. The certainty of a glorious 
issue to the campaign, rendered Gates avaricious of its honors, 
while envy of an officer, at that time much more distinguished 
than himself, may have contributed its share. How far the 
refusal to restore Arnold to his command may have con- 
trolled his subsequent career down to its infamous termination, is 
known only to the great Director of human aflairs. Yet it is 
easy to perceive, that but for this circumstance, such a direction 
might have been given to his energies, as to have led him to the 
acquisition of additional honors ; and thus, in spite of a heart dead 
to every honorable impulse but courage, he might have won for 
himself a name proud among the proudest. The severe wound, 
received a few days after, which disabled him for active s'-ervice — 
his transfer to Philadelphia — the connexions he formed, and the 
excesses he fell into, at that place, with the embarrassments and 
mortifications which they brought upon him — his appointment to 
West Point — and his treason — may all be traced to thi? source 
without straining a probability. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 157 



CHAPTER IX. 

letter from Washington to Gen. Gates, and an extract from the latter's repl)' -Critical 
situation of Burgoyne — His advance leads to the second battle of Stillwater- Morgan's 
corps routs the British light infantry— Death of Gen. Frazer— Assault on the enemy's 
camp — Anecdote — Cornwallis abandons his camp, and takes a new position — Morgan 
advances to impede the enemy's retreat — Skirmishes with their pickets— Ames ican army 
return to their entrenched camp, when Burgoyne retreats to the north bank of Saratoga 
creek, and encamps — He is overtaken by the Americans — Burgoyne meditates a retreat 
to Fort Edward— His advanced detachments driven back — He resolves to abandon his 
baggage, &c., and endeavor to escape by a night march — The hopelessness jf his situa- 
tion by the frustration of his scheme— Contemplated assault upon the eneaiy's camp- 
Fortunate discovery of mistake — Position of the American army — CoM^respondence 
regarding a capitulation — Termination of the campaign — General reflectiouj — Unfriendly 
conduct of Gen. Gates to Morgan — The cause of this change — Anecdot -Remarks on 
the propriety of employing marksmen. 

It is believed that Washington did not anticipate the difficulties 
with which, shortly after the rifle corps had been detat.hed to the 
North, he was called on to contend, or he never would have parted 
with it. The important services it had rendered, had taught him 
its value; and sorely pressed as he was, by an overwhelming 
force at this time, he keenly felt its absence, and ardently wished 
for its return. To this end, he addressed the following letter* to 
Gates, which was received three days before the action of the Vth 
of October. 

Camp near Pottsgrovb, Sept. 2ith, 1777. 
Sir, 

This army has not been able to oppose General Howe with the success 

that I wished, and needs a reinforcement. I therefore request, if you have 

been so fortunate as to oblige Gen. Burgoyne to retreat to Ticonderoga, or 

♦Wilkinson, vol. i., page 265. Sparks's Writings of Washington, vol. v., p. 74. 



158 THE LIFE OF 

if you have not, and circumstances will admit, that you will order CoU 
Morgan to join me again with his corps. I sent him up when I thought 
you materially wanted him ; and if his services can be dispensed with now, 
you will direct him to return immediately. You will perceive I do not 
mention this by way of command, but leave you to determine upon it 
according to your situation. If they come, they should proceed by water 
from Albany as low down as Peekskill ; in such case you will give Col. 
Morgan the necessary orders to join me with dispatch. 
I am, sir. 

Your most obedient servant, 

Geo. Washington. 
Major Gen. Gates. 

To tliis Gates replied immediately. The extract wliicli follows 
is all of the letter* relating- to Col. Morgan and his command. 
The anxiety of the commander-in-chief for their return was fully 
equalled by that of General Gates to retain them. 

Camp, Behmus Hkights, Oct. 5th, 1777. 
Sir, 

Since the action of the 19th ult., the enemy have kept the ground 
they occupied the morning of that day, and fortified their camp. The 
advanced sentries of my picket are posted within shot of and opposite to 
the enemy's; neither side have given ground an inch. In this situation, 
your Excellency would not wish me to part with the corps the army of 
General Burgoyne are most afraid of From the best intelHgence, he has 
,not more than three weeks' provisions in store; it will take him at least 
eight days to get back to Tieonderoga ; so that in a fortnight at, furthest, 
he must decide whether he will really risk, at infinite disadvantage, to 
force my camp or retreat to his den ; in either case, I must have the fairest 
prospect of being able to reinforce your Excellency in a more considerable 

manner than by a single regiment. 

************ 

I have the honor so be, &c., 

Horatio Gates. 

His Excellency, Gen. Washington. 

Another battle was now approaching, the results of which rendered 
it the closing struggle of this eventful campaign. General Burgoyne 

♦Wilkinson, vol. 1., p. 266. 



GENEKAL DANIEL MORGAN. 159 

was anxioirely awaiting the arrival of Sir Henry Clinton ; yet up to tlie 
raemorable '7th of October, he had received no tidings of that officer, 
and fearful misgivings now began to gather round his heart. His force 
had sensibly diminished by sickness and desertion, as well as by battle, 
while that of his opponent had greatly increased. Provisions were 
rapidly failing in his camp, and without a fortunate turn in his 
affairs in the course of four or five days, his supply would be 
entirely exhausted. Critical as was his situation, his ]>ride and 
his judgment united in rejecting the idea of a retreat. He cor- 
rectly believed that such a step, under the circumstances then 
existing, with enemies on all sides, and being far from the reach 
of supplies, would be attended with as many difficulties as 
advancing. The time for the adoption of decisive measures had 
arrived, however ; and regarding a vigorous forward movement as 
the only course left him, he took his measures accordingly. 

About 3 o'clock on the afternoon of the Vth, the advanced 
guard of Col. Morgan's regiment, posted some distance in front of 
the line, discovered a large body of the enemy in motion. The 
alarm was immediately given, the drums beat to arms, and the 
ti'oops quickly formed and took their ground. This body, being 
the advance of the intended general movement of the enemy, was 
commanded by Gen. Burgoyne in person, assisted by Generals 
Frazer, Phillips and Reidesel.* It was accompanied by ten pieces 
of artillery. A body of tories and Indians, under Captain Fra- 
zer, had been pushed forward in advance, with directions to pene- 
trate to the rear of the American left, and threaten that flank. 
Information was soon after received, that the enemy had entered a 
wheat field, about one mile and a half from the American lines, 
fronting the left wing ; that they had formed in battle array ; and 
that, while a party was cutting the forage which the field afforded, 
the officers were making a reconnoissance of the American camp 
from the top of the house on the ground.f The light infantry, 
commanded by the Earl of Balcarras, occupied the right; the 

♦Marshall's Washington, vol. i., p. 203. t Wilkinson, vol i., p. 2C7. 



160 THE LIFE OF 

grenadiers, under Major Ackland, formed the left ; and several 
battalions of English and German infantry, led by Major Breyman, 
formed the centre. The artillery, under the direction of Major 
Williams, were placed between the divisions, and at other posi- 
tions along the line. The enemy's right rested on a worm fence, 
beyond which the ground, thickly covered with wood, abruptly 
ascended, forming a hill. Their left was covered, in flank by 
woodland, and in front by a ravine, through which ran a small 
stream. The centre occupied the clearing.* 

Gen. Gates, having learned these particulars, made instant 
preparations for battle. Morgan received orders to "begin the 
game," by pushing forward his corps and commencing a skirmish. 
But having previously made himself acquainted with the ground, 
occupied by the enemy, and learning the disposition they had 
made of their force, he thought his corps could act much more 
advantageously, if sent, under cover of the woods, to the hill 
flanking their right. From that point, he said, he could eflectu- 
ally co-operate with the troops sent against them in front, and at 
all events, be enabled to render better service than could possibly 
be effected by the mode directed. These views were communi- 
cated to General Gates, who at once adopted them ; and to this 
circumstance may, with perfect propriety, be attributed much of 
the decisive result which the day produced. The rifle corps, 
having received instructions to reserve fire until the action com- 
menced in front, was put in motion, and passing beyond the 
American left, pushed forward through the woods, in the direction 
of the hill. General Poor's brigade was now ordered to advance 
against the enemy's centre and left, with directions to commence 
the action, immediately after they arrived on the ground. Other 
dispositions were made to add, if necessary, to the forces sent 
forward. Precautions were also taken against any movement 
which might be contemplated against the right of the American 
camp. Gen. Lincoln's division, posted in this quarter, was kept 

* Wilkiason, vol. i., p. 267. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 161 

under arms, and held ready for any emergency; ana' v strong 
body of New York militia, which had recently assembled, was 
ordei'ed forward from its position in the rear, to cover the left of 
the lines. 

Morgan speedily arrived at the hill which overlooked the British 
detachment. A glance at its disposition confirmed the correct- 
ness of the previous description, and gave him the assurance of a 
speedy triumph. He quickly arranged his men in order of battle, 
and gave the necessary directions. Dearborn's light infantry, 
supported by a body of riflemen, were ordered to incline to the 
right, with the objec^t of assailing the enemy's right in fi'ont. The 
main body of the corps was to attack them at the same time in 
flank and rear. These divisions had barely reached the positions 
assigned them for action, when the fire of Gen. Poor's brigade 
was opened upon the British left. This being the signal for com- 
mencing the attack on the right, the British light infantry were 
instantly assailed in flank by the riflemen, who, rushing forward 
at the word from Morgan, poured into their ranks a heavy and 
destructive fire. They were evidently taken by surprise, and for a 
minute or so, in contemplation of the number of dead and 
wounded already around them, seemed shaken. This was but 
momentary, however, for with soldier-like precision, they had 
already commenced a manoeuvre generally resorted to in meeting 
a flank attack, when Morgan promptly ordered the light infantry 
under Dearborn to seize the advantage aflbrded by the movement^ 
and charge. This body advanced to within sixty paces of the 
enemy; delivered its fire with fearful precision; and then^ 
crossing the fence, with loud cheers, gave them the bayonet. The 
riflemen on their flank had in the mean time been actively and 
eflfectively engaged. The British, forced to give way, were pushed 
with redoubled ardor by both of Morgan's divisions, and at length 
obliged to flee in the greatest disorder. By the exertions of their 
oflScers, they were rallied about four hundred yards in the rear of 
their first position, and, for a short time, renewed the contest. So 



1.62 THE LIFE OF 

\1^Q^^''<^1\ however, were they assailed, that they were again 
obliged to give ground. They were retiring, in the greatest con- 
fusion, when Gen. Frazer, at the head of a body of infantry, 
advanced to their relief. Burgoyne, upon noticing the danger 
which threatened his right, had dispatched this officer with a 
strong body of troops to reinforce that wing, or cover its retreat, 
as circumstances might direct. Frazer met the whole wing flying 
in the utmost disorder, fiercely followed by Moi'gan and his men. 
Throwing his troops between the victors and the vanquished, 
Frazer attempted to stem the tide of battle. His efforts, though 
heroic, w^ere vain. After an obstinate and bloody conflict, in 
which a free use of the bayonet alternated with discharges of 
musketry and rifles, at thirty yards' distance, this body of the 
enemy also fled, bearing with them their general, mortally 
wounded. 

The circumstances of General Frazer's death demand especial 
notice here, from the direct agency which Morgan had in that 
event. On many occasions during the conflict, Morgan's attention 
was attracted towards a noble-looking officer of the enemy, who, 
mounted upon a splendid black charger, dashed from one end of 
the line to the other, appearing wherever the danger was greatest, 
and by his courage, judgment and activity, frequently restoring 
tc his troops the fortunes of the day, when all seemed on the 
point of being lost. He recollected having seen this officer in the 
battle of the 19tli of September, and having on that occasion 
admired him for the skill and bravery which he displayed. While 
he lived, Morgan considered the issue of the contest a doubt- 
ful one ; he therefore, sternly resolved to seek for victory in his 
death. Selecting twelve of his best marksmen, he led them to a 
suitable position, when, having pointed out to them the doomed 
officer, he told them to kill him when next he came within reach 
of their rifles. " He is a brave man ; but he must die " — the 
only observation which fell from Morgan's lips besides his direc- 
tions to his men — betrayed the struggle of generosity with duty 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 163 

in bis breast. He afterwards said, tbat he attentively and some- 
what anxiously observed his marksmen, when, a few minutes having 
elapsed, and Frazer re-appearing within gun-shot of them, he 
saw them all raise their rifles and, taking deliberate aim, fire. 
Thus fell General Frazer ; and a more efficient and accomplished 
oflBcer than he, the British had not in their army. 

The defeat and dispersion of the British right was soon followed 
by the precipitate retreat of their centre and left, leaving behind 
them eight pieces of cannon. The battle had been hotly contested 
by these divisions, and although they had a much larger force to 
contend against, than that which overthrew the right, they did 
not yield their ground until some time after the latter had fled. 
Generals Phillips and Reidesel, at the head of a reserve force, had 
endeavored to cover the retreat in this quarter ; but they were 
also obliged to give way. 

The whole of the British forces which had been engaged were 
now fleeing to the protection of their fortified camp, and thither 
they were closely followed by the victors. Morgan had pursued 
the defeated right division, until they reached their entrenchments, 
when his advance was checked for a time by a furious discharge of 
cannon and musketry. Fortunately, the woodland was withir 
one hundred and fifty yards of the British defences. Shelterec 
by the trees, the riflemen returned the enemy's fire with efl"ect. 
letting few of those escape who exposed themselves while serving 
the artillery. The remainder of the fugitives had no sooner 
reached their camp, than their pursuers appeared. The battle, 
now transferred to a new field, recommenced with great vigor 
along the whole line of the British encampment. For an hour or 
more, the discharge of cannon and musketry w^as uninterrupted, 
-during which the encampment was fiercely assaulted at several 
points, in the face of a severe fire of grape-shot and small arms. 
At length, the ardor of the rifle corps no longer brooking restraint, 
and impatient for something decisive, they rushed tumultuously 
forward, headed by Morgan, and charged upon the entrenchments 



164: THE LIFE OF 

of Balcari'is's light infantry. A desperate hand-to-liand struggle 
hereupon ensued within the enemy's works. The light infantry 
weie about giving way, when a large body of the enemy advanced 
to their aid with fixed bayonets. Morgan was consequently forced 
to retire or meet certain destruction. Here General Arnold, who, 
although without command, had rendered himself very conspicu- 
ous during the day, pkmging recklessly into every danger, as if 
courting death, received a severe wound in the leg, and had his 
horse shot under him. 

The efforts of the American troops were more successful in other 
quarters. Colonel Brooks's regiment, having gained the rear of 
the enemy early in the action, had advanced, and assaulted the 
defences of the German corps, under Colonel Breyman. At the 
same moment, General Learned led his brigade against the Cana- 
dians, posted at the left of the Germans. Success ci'owned the 
effort of both these officers. The Canadians, after a slight resist- 
ance, broke and fled ; and the Germans, now attacked on all sides, 
were soon obliged to abandon their works, leaving behind them, 
besides a large number of killed and wounded, their tents, bag- 
gage, and artillery, and the body of their commander, who was 
killed in the contest. General Burgoyne, finding that the Ger- 
mans had abandoned their position, ordered the works to be 
recovered ; but either from the approach of night, or the discour- 
agement of his troops, the order was not obeyed. Colonel Brooks 
and General Learned established themselves within the enemy's 
camp.* 

Darkness at length put an end to the struggle. But the Ameri- 
can army had won a glorious victory; one, besides, that yielded so'id 
advantages. Among these, was the possession of a portion of the 
enemy's camp, affording an opening to their right and rear. 

During the night, the Americans lay upon the ground, about 
half a mile from the British camp, in readiness to renew the /".on 
test on the return of day. 

* Wilkinson, yol. i., p. 122. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 165 

The loss in this action was great on both sides ; but especially 
so on the part of the British, whose killed, wounded and captured, 
amounted to upwards of four hundred men. General Frazer, Sir 
Fi-ancis Clark, and Colonel Breyraan were killed, and Majors 
Ackland and Williams, and Quarter-ra aster-general Money were 
wounded and taken prisoners. The killed and wounded of the 
Americtans amounted to about two hundred and fifty in all. Of 
the former, none were of a higher rank than a subaltern, and of 
the latter, a few only of the officers', among the rest. General 
Arnold. Besides the spoils of the German camp, and the artil- 
lery, a large quantity of ammunition had been obtained, the want 
of which had been seriously felt in the American camp for some 
time previously. 

Morgan, upon his return to head-quarters the same night, was 
met by Gates, who immediately embraced him, saying, 

" Morgan, you have done wonders this day. You have immor- 
talized yourself, and honored your country ; if you are not pro- 
moted immediately, I will not serve another day !" 

Feeling at the moment a preference for pudding over praise, 
Morgan merely replied, 

" For God's sake, general, forbear this stuff, and give me some- 
thing to eat and drink, for I am ready to die with hunger, fatigue 
and exhaustion."* • "^ 

The expectations entertained by the American army of com- 
pleting the ruin of their opponents on the next morning, were dis- 
appointed. The British had silently abandoned their camps dur- 
ing the night, and removed to a position running parallel with the 
river, their wings being displayed on commanding eminences. 
For some distance in front of this position, the ground was low 
and very uneven, and intersected by a number of small streams, 
the banks of which were covered with a thick undeigrowth. 
Advancing towards the lines, the land ascended, became clear of 
underbrush, and was thinly covered with trees. The position w^asj 

* MRS. of Dr. HiU. 



166 THE LIFE OF 

judiciously chosen, and well calculated to resist an attacl?, even 
of the whole American force. Burgoyne saw the impossibility 
of maintaining his old camp, a portion of which was already in 
the hands of his assailants.* He hoped, besides, by a change of 
front, to force the Americans to dispositions of their forces less 
advantageous than those already made. Conjecturing that they 
would continue to press him closely, the strength of the new posi- 
tion might safely promise him successful defence, if not a victory, 
in case of an assault. General Gates partook of the general dis- 
appointment ; but he was too cautious to realize the expectations 
of his opponent. He declined the battle proffered him ; but he 
took more certain, if not more speedy measures, to bring about 
the overthrow of the enemy. 

The next morning the American army took possession of the 
deserted British camp. In anticipation of the enemy's retreat, 
Gen. Fellowes's brigade had been thrown across the river the day 
previously, with orders to proceed to Saratoga, and to take such 
a position in the vicinity of that place, as would check such a 
movement if attempted. Morgan was now ordered to advance 
with his corps, in the same direction, on the west side of the 
river, fronting the enemy's lines, and endeavor to turn their right. 
In the execution of this order, his flanking parties fell in with a 
body of British provincials, who had been thrown forward to 
make a reconnoissance. These, after a short encounter, were put 
to flight, and driven under the protection of the cannon in their 
camp.f 

No provisions had been served out to the American forces for 
two days, and it became necessary that they should return to their 
entrenched camp, to obtain a fresh supply. They accordingly 
marched in that direction on the evening of the 8th. Burgoyne, 
in the mean time, had determined upon a retreat, and at about 
the same hour that the Americans returned to their camp, he put 
his troops in motion for Saratoga. He left behind him a number 

* Wilkinson, vol. i., p. 279. t Ibid., vol. i., pp. 279—281. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 167 

of bateaux, laden with military stores, besides bis hosjiital, con- 
taicing 300 sick, who were recommended to Gates's care and 
protection.* He reached Dove-Cote the next morning, and 
halting at this point for a short time, proceeded on, and arrived 
at Saratoga on the evening of the 9th. Upon reaching this 
place, he found Gen. Fellowes's brigade on the opposite side of the 
river, strongly entrenched, and ready to dispute his passage ; 
while, hovering upon his left, was the rifle regiment and its 
redoubtable leader, observing his movements, and ready to seize 
any advantage which might be afforded them. Remaining at 
Saratoga during the night, the next morning he crossed Saratoga 
Creek, a small stream emptying into the Hudson, and commenced 
the formation of an entrenched camp on the heights above the 
village. In this camp the English infantry were placed ; the 
grenadiers and the Germans occupying a line of entrenchments 
upon the heights running parallel with the river.f 

The main part of the American army having recovered from 
their fatigues, and prepared themselves for fresh encounters, 
advanced from their camp on Behmus Heights for Saratoga on 
the 10th, and reached the vicinity of that place the same after- 
noon. A party of the enemy was busily engaged at this time in 
unloading the bateaux which were lying at the mouth of 
Saratoga Creek, and transporting their contents into th« camp. 
A couple of pieces of artillery were brought to bear on thi.* party, 
the fire of which, seconded by that of a body of militia, forced it 
to retire, and a number of bateaux were captured. Tb<^,se 
measures drew a heavy fire from the British camp, which 
compelled the assailants to relinquish their prizes, and return to 
the main body. 

The American army took post along the south bank of Saratoga 
Creek, Lincoln's command on the right, and Gates's on the left 
Moi-gan's corps was thrown forward in observation I 

* Wilkinson, p. 282. 

t Ibid, vol. )., p. 283. Marshall's Wash., vol !., p. 205. 
Wilkinson, vol. i., p. 285. 



168 THE LIFE OF 

Burgoyne at length meditated a general retreat. He sent a 
body of artificers forward, under a strong guard, to repair the 
bridges and open the road to Fort Edward, on the west side of 
the river. No sooner had this body left the camp, than it was 
menaced by Morgan with an attack ; and it was ultimately forced 
to return without effecting anything. This and other circum- 
stances convinced Burgoyne, that to effect a retreat with his 
baggage and stores, in the face of the American army, was 
impossible. Hereupon he resolved on a night march to Fort 
Edward, leaving everything behind but his arms and provisions. 
Could he succeed in crossing the ford near the fort, or that a few 
miles above, he thought he might yet extricate himself from the 
perils which environed him, and reach Fort George. A council 
of officers approved of this scheme, and the necessary prepara- 
tions were made for putting it into execution, when it became 
known that the Americans had gathered in force at these fords 
and entrenched themselves, and that they, moreover, possessed a 
strong camp on the high ground, between Fort George and Fort 
Edward, with several pieces of cannon.* 

The condition of the British army was now hopeless beyond 
expression. All thoughts of eflfecting a retreat were hence- 
forward abandoned ; and most unwillingly, Burgoyne was forced 
to look capture in the face. 

On the morning of the 11th, a movement was made against 
the British entrenchments, which might have been followed by 
disastrous consequences to the Americans, had not the mistake in 
which it originated, been discovered in time. General Gates, 
believing either that the scheme of retreat, which had come to his 
ears, was aV>out being carried into effect, or that the small British 
detachments which had been sent forward to reconnoitre, were 
really the main body of the British army, determined to storm 
their camp, and then push i-apidly forward early the next day. 
With this intention, the left and centre of the army w^ere ordered 

* MarshaU's Wash., vol. 1., p. 206. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 169 

to cross the creek, and advance on the Albany road, while 
Morgan's regiment, followed by the brigades of Learned and 
Patterson, received directions to keep to the left along the 
heights. The riflemen had advanced some distance in the 
direction of the British camp, groping through a thick fog, when 
they were discovered by one of the enemy's pickets, which fired 
upon them, and immediately retired out of view. By this 
discharge, Lieut. Harrison and two men were killed, and three 
more wounded. Uncertain as to his position, and doubting the 
supposed retreat of the British, Morgan determined to await the 
arrival of the brigades in his rear, befo^ he advanced any further. 
The desired junction had already been efl?ected, when a heavy 
firing was heard in the direction of the Albany road. One of the 
standing orders of the army being to fall on the enemy at all 
points, in the event of their making a demonstration in any 
quarter, Morgan, Learned and Patterson, immediately advanced 
with their respective commands, towards the enemy's fortified 
camp. They had approached within two hundred yards of this 
point, when Col. Wilkinson galloped up, and declaring that the 
enemy's movements had been mistaken, begged them to halt. 
While hesitating as to the steps to be taken, the fog suddenly 
rose, and disclosed the enemy in battle array, waiting to receive 
them. They instantly retired to the protection of the woods, 
before reaching which, the enemy opened a heavy fire, killing and 
wounding several oflEicers and men. 

The contest on the right revealed Gates's error. The troops 
were in the act of crossing the creek, when they were received by 
the enemy with such firmness and in such numbers, as, taken 
with other circumstances, to leave no doubt that the latler still 
held their ground. 

The American army resumed its position on the south bank of 
Saratoga Creek, all excepting Patterson's and Learned's brigades, 
and Morgan's corps. Patterson and Learned took strong posi- 
tions on the the north bank of the Creek, in the rear of the 

8 



170 THE LIFE OF 

British entrenched camp, threatening at the same time the 
Germans and grenadiers. Morgan was posted on the left of 
these brigades, menacing the enemy's retreat, and observing the 
Albany road.* 

We are now rapidly approaching the denouement of this mem- 
orable campaign. The few days which preceded the capitulation, 
passed without the occurrence of any thing remarkable. The fire 
on the British was unceasing, however. The roar of cannon 
followed their appearance in every quarter, and musket balls were 
continually showered into all parts of their camp. 

On the 13th, General Burgoyne opened a correspondence 
with General Gates, with the object of settling the terms of a 
capitulation. It was proposed, in reply, that the British army 
should surrender as prisoners of war, and that they should ground 
their arms in their encampment. Burgoyne refused to comply 
with these demands, and intimated to Gates that if they were per- 
sisted in, the treaty was to end, and hostilities to recommence 
immediately. It was at length agreed, among other less impor- 
tant stipulations, that the British army, after marching out of 
their encampment with all the honors of war, should lay down 
their arms ; that they should not serve against the United States 
until exchanged ; and that they were to be permitted to return to 
England as soon as the necessary preparations to convey them 
thither were made. 

Matters had progressed thus far, when Burgoyne received such 
favorable accounts of Sir Henry Clinton's operations on the 
Hudson, as to revive hope in his breast, and to tempt him to delay 
the ratification of the convention, or to recede from it altogether. 
But General Gates promptly met the emergency. On the 
morning of the lYth, the army was placed under arms, and 
General Burgoyne was notified, that as the time had arrived 
when he must either ratify or dissolve the agreement, an imme- 
diate and decisive answer was required. The articles were at 

* Wilkinson, vol. i., pp. 285-289. 



GENEEAL DANIEL MORGAN. lYl 

length returned to Gates, bearing the signature of the Biitish 
commander.* 

On the day of the capitulation, the effective force of the Ameri- 
can army amounted to about twelve thousand men. The number 
of the British who surrendered, was five thousand seven hundred 
and .ninety-one. Thirty-five pieces of brass artillery, five thousand 
stand of arms, and a large quantity of ammunition and military 
stores were hereby acquired. 

On the next morning, the prisoners, accompanied by a guard, 
took up their march for Boston.f 

Thus terminated a campaign, from which the British govern- 
ment anticipated the most decisive results. Thus fell an arnjy, 
which, confident even to recklessness in its strength, overthrew or 
disregarded the impediments of its early career, spread death and 
desolation in its path, and impressed the minds of all patriots 
with fearful misgivings of the result. But a brighter destiny was 
reserved for the country, then struggling to defend itself against 
what must have been ever after a deoTadina: vassalage ; and to 
purchase with the blood of its bravest a place among the nations 
of earth. A better recompense was in store for the noble band 
who survived the fearful struggle, when a free and grateful people 
would honor the graves and perpetuate the memory of those who 
fell in their defence. It was not until this period in the history 
of the American war, that the British government or people could 
be brought to believe that the Americans possessed any warlike 
qualities. It never entered into their minds that their best and 
bravest could find themselves overmatched by these despised colo- 
nists ; and that whether in the woods or on the plain, all claims to 
superiority must be relinquished, from the evidence of stern, and 
to them, humiliating results. This severe lesson was taught them 
at length, and by one, too, whose competency to judge, few 
would be willing to dispute. Gen. Burgoyne, in his "Review of 
the evidence taken before the House of Commons," in relation to 

* W'Jkinson, vol. i., pp. 298-31T. tlbidfan. 



172 THE LIFE OF 

his surrender at Saratoga, and referring to the fact that Morgan's 
regiment drove the British light infantry from the field, and sub- 
sequently attacked them in their entrenchments, observes. "If 
there can be any person who, after considering that circumstance ; 
and the positive proof of the subsequent obstinacy in the attack 
on the post of Lord Balcarras, and various other actions o£ the 
day, continue to doubt that the Americans possess the quality 
and faculty of fighting (call it by whatever term they please) 
they are of a prejudice, that it would be very absurd longer to 
contend with." 

When it is considered that the glory of this campaign was 
largely shared in, by a number of gallant leaders and their com- 
mands, most of whom found frequent opportunities during the 
strugjrle to distinguish themselves; so honorable a testimony as 
this from Gen. Burgoyne, in reference to Col. Morgan and his 
corps, speaks volumes in their praise, and is significant of the 
superiority which he assigned them. But we are not left to 
inferences regarding his opinion of this corps. On his intro- 
duction to Morgan, after the capitulation, he took him warmly by 
the hand, with the observation, "Sir, you command the finest 
regiment in the world." 

Yet, notwithstanding the important services which Col. Mor- 
gan rendered in this campaign — services which won him the 
praises of the army, and made his name familiar with friends and 
foes, throughout the country — they were not deemed worthy of 
more than a cursoi-y notice in the general's dispatches. His 
name was not even mentioned in the oflScial account of the 
surrender, to the accomplishment of which he had contributed so 
largely. This was the more extraordinary, from the fact that the 
Generars conduct towards Col. Morgan, from his first arrival at 
camo, to the surrender, evinced a high degree of confid-ence in his 
military character, and a friendly regard for him personally. 
Before a week .elapsed, after the closing scene of the campaign, 
liowever, this conduct had undergone a total change. Gates not 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 173 

only denied Morgan common justice in his communications to 
Congress, but in their official and personal intercourse, treated 
him with marked reserve. 

The clue to this otherwise inexplicable circumstance is probably 
furnished in the following anecdote, related by Morgan himself. 
Immediately after the surrender, Morgan visited Gates on busi- 
ness, when he was taken aside by the general, and confidentially 
told that the main army was extremely dissatisfied with the con- 
duct of the war by the commander-in-chief, and that several of 
the best officers thi-eatened to resign, unless a change took place. 
Morgan perfectly understood the views of Gates, in this conference, 
although he was then a stranger to the correspondence which he 
had held with Conway and others, and sternly replied, " I have 
one favor to ask of you, sir, which is, never to mention that detes- 
table subject to me again ; for under no other man than Washing- 
ton, as commander-in-chief, would I ever serve."* 

Gates, at this time, entertained strong hopes of being enabled 
to supplant General Washington in the chief command of the 
American armies. The combination among a number of mem- 
bers of Congress, and a few officers of the army, known as the 
" Conway Cabal," from the active part which Gen. Conway took 
in its machinations, had made considerable progress towards the 
accomplishment of their designs. But Washington was beloved 
by the whole army ; and who so well acquainted with his worth, 
and with the worthlessness of his calumniators ? The approaches 
of the conspirators in this quarter met with as prompt and indig- 
nant a repulse, as that which Gates experienced from Morgan. 

From this time, until the spring of 1781, all intimacy between 
Gates and Morgan ceased. A day or two after the foregoing 
interchange of views, General Gates gave a dinner to the princi- 
pal officers of the British army. A large number of American 
officers were also invited ; but Morgan was not among the num- 
ber. So signal a mark of Gates's unfriendliness to Morgan, could 

*Dr. Hill. Lee's Memoirs, 428., 



174: THE LIFE OF 

not pass unobserved, either by himself, or by his brother officers. 
The cause was buried in the bosoms of the parties themselves, 
and conjecture, though wide spread, was at a loss to account for 
it. Before the entertainment was over, however, the petty indig- 
nity recoiled with severity upon its author. Morgan had occasion 
during the evening to seek an interview with General Gates, on 
business connected with his command. He was ushered into 
the dining-room, and having arranged the matter in hand, 
was permitted by the general to withdraw, without even the 
empty ceremony of an introduction to the British officers present. 
A number of the latter, struck by the commanding figure and 
noble mien of the colonel, and noticing that he was a field oflScer, 
inquired his name, as soon as he had retired. On learning that 
it was Colonel Morgan, they instantly rose to a man from the 
table, overtook him in the road, and severally taking him by the 
hand, made themselves known to him, frankly declaring, at 
the same time, that they had felt him severely in the field.* 

British officers had good reason to know him. He frequently 
told his men, whom he familiarly called his boys, to shoot at 
those who wore epaulettes, rather than the poor fellows who 
fought for sixpence a day, and the sequel proved that he was 
obeyed to the letter. At the first glance, many would condemn 
a practice of this kind, as adding unnecessarily to the sanguinary 
features of war. But this constitutes one of the principal argu- 
ments in its defence. Every additional horror which war acquires, 
lessens in a corresponding degree the likelihood of a resort to it, 
and thus tends to perpetuate the blessings of peace. The primary 
object of battles being the defeat of an opponent, few means 
necessary to its accomplishment are considered illegitimate. 
Among these, is certainly not included that whereby an adversary 
is struck in the most vital part, else why employ marksmen, 
whose business it is to exercise their skill against particular 
objects ? Even veteran soldiers have been thrown into confusion, 

* Lee's Memoirs, p. 430. Major Neville. Dr. Hill. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 175 

and become little more efficient than an undisciplined mob, by 
the loss of their officers. Past and daily experience shows, that 
when the way to victory lies over the dead bodies of those who 
give unity and efficiency to opposition, there are few commanders 
who decline the opportunity of pursuing it. 

General Burgoyne, in the review already quoted, noticed this 
practice, and acknowledged its effects ; and the absence of all 
asperity in his remarks thereupon, justifies the presumption that 
he regarded it as comprehended among the legitimate usages of 
war. Indeed, he employed marksmen himself, to a very consider- 
able extent, during the campaign.'^ " The enemy," he remarks, 
" had with their army great numbers of marksmen, armed with 
rifle-barrelled pieces. These, during an engagement, hovered 
upon the flanks in small detachments, and were very expert in 
securing themselves, and in shifting their ground. In this action 
(that of the 19th September), many placed themselves in high 
trees, in the rear of their own line ; and there was seldom a 
minute's interval of smoke in any part of our line, without officers 
being taken off by single shot."- Indeed, the general himself 
escaped being shot by one of those riflemen, only from being mis- 
taken for another, who received the ball. Capt. Green, an aide 
to Gen. Phillips, was in the act of handing a letter to Gen. 
Burgoyne, when he fell from his horse, having at the moment 
received a severe wound in the arm. The rich furniture of the 
aide's saddle, led the rifleman to believe that the rider was 
the general. In connection with this anecdote, it is worthy 
of remark, that as the officer was seen to fall from his horse, it 
was, for some time, believed in the American camp, that Bur- 
goyne had been killed. 



176 THE LIFE OP 



CHAPTER X. 

Morgan marches from Saratoga, southward — Gates's unwillingness to supply the com- 
mander-in-chief with reinforcements — The latter's anxiety for the return of Morgan— 
The opinion of the army regarding the rifle corps and its commander — Military events 
— Morgan arrives at Whitemarsh — Expedition under Cornwallis — Lafayette, with a 
portion of the rifle corps, engages and defeats a body of the enemy— The British 
advance to Chestnut Hill — Routs the Pennsylvania militia — Engaged by Morgan and 
General Gist, with Maryland militia — The latter obliged to yield — The riflemen, after a 
sanguinary conflict, retire in good order — The loss severe on both sides — Death of 
Major Morris — Lafayette — His generosity towards the widow and orphans of Morris — 
The American army goes into winter quarters — Disposition of troops — Foraging expe- 
dition of the enemy — Morgan in observation, has repeated skirmishes with them — 
Hardships he encountered from hunger, cold and want of rest — The enemy return to 
Philadelphia — The distressing situation of the American army — Morgan leaves his com- 
mand on a short visit home — His reception. 

On the 1st of November, Colonel Morgan received orders to 
march with his regiment southward, and to lose no time in join- 
ing the commander-in-chief, in compliance with the express 
directions of the latter. As the rifle corps had been in readiness 
to move for some days previously, it started immediately. It was 
soon after followed by the brigades of Generals Poor, Warner, 
Patterson and Learned, and the regiment of Colonel Van Schaick. 
These forces amounted to about five thousand five hundred men, 
which, when added to those already, or about, operating on 
the Hudson, and in New Jersey and Pennsylvania, would make 
the army under the commander-in-chief about ten thousand 
strong. 

Although, by the capture of Burgoyne, the war had terminated 
in the north. General Gates evinced a great disinclii;iation to com- 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 177 

ply with the urgent demands of the commander-in-chief, for rein- 
forcements. The army under Gates's command, at the time of 
the surrender, was three times greater than that with which 
Washington was contending against a superior force in Pennsyl- 
vania and New Jersey. It was vitally important that a portion, 
at least, of this large force, now no longer employed, should be 
brought to the aid of the commander-in-chief, that he might be 
enabled to make head against the enemy, and to carry out the 
plan of operations which had been determined on. Col. 'Hamil- 
ton was accordingly sent from head-quarters to Gen. Gates, with 
directions to explain to that officer the nature of this plan, and to 
facilitate the forwarding of the required reinforcements. The 
troops already mentioned had stai-ted southward some days before 
the arrival of Col. Hamilton. But the force they composed was 
much below that which the commander-in-chief had a right to 
expect ; and even of this, the term of service of a large proportion 
would soon expire. It was not until Hamilton invoked the high 
authority with which he was invested, that Gates consented to 
auguieut the reinforcements already sent forward, with the brigade 
of Gen. Glover, which thereupon received orders to march south- 
ward.* 

Washington, in his letter of instructions to Col. Hamilton on 
this occasion, exhibits much anxiety for the return of his favorite 
rifle regiment. " I expect," he says, " you will meet Col. Morgan 
and his corps upon the way down. If you do, let them know 
how essential their services are to us, and desire the Colonel, or 
commanding officer, to hasten his march as much as is consistent 
with the health of his men, after their late fatigues.'f 

In nearly all the letters which Morgan received while at the 
North, from his friends in the main army, congratulations on his 
successes were coupled with regrets for his absence. In a letter 
from Captain (afterwards Colonel) Heth, dated 30th September, 

♦Marshall's Washington, vol. i., p. 176. 
t Sparks's Writings of Washington, vol. v., pp. 123, 124. 

8* 



178 THE LIFE OF 

1777, the writer observes: "You have been greatly wished for 
since the enemy's landing at the head of the Elk." In another 
letter, from Col. Febriger, written shortly after, occurs the follow- 
ing passage : " It is generally believed that some of the severest 
reverses we have lately experienced might have been obviated, 
could we have had the co-operation of yourself and your gallant 
corps.'* 

Short as was the lapse of time since Morgan departed for the 
North, it had given birth to a number of events, amid the scenes 
of his previous operations, most of them disastrous, and all of 
them important. The battle of Brandywine had been fought ; 
Wayne suffered a surprise from the " no flint General " Gray, and 
lost three hundred men. The battle of Germantown succeeded, 
the enemy having previously entered Philadelphia. , The attempt 
which was made to take the fort at Red Bank, was nobly repulsed 
by Col. Green, Morgan's old companion in arms, with a loss to 
the assailants, of four hundred men and their commander, Count 
Donop. This fort, however, as well as the one erected on Mud 
Island, was subsequently evacuated ; and thus, a free communica- 
tion by the Delaware was at length established between the 
British army and navy. 

Sir Henry Clinton, with between three thousand and four thou- 
sand men, had commenced operations on the Hudson, with the 
intention of reducing the posts on its banks, and of forming a 
junction with Burgoyne. He out-generaled the braxe old Put- 
nam, and captured forts Montgomery and Clinton. I'orts Inde- 
pendence and Constitution were thereupon evacuated by the 
Americans. Esopus and Continental Village were wantonly burned 
by the British. Sir Henry, was still moving forward, when on the 
26th October, he received intelligence of l^urgoyne's surrender. 
He immediately beat a retreat. The same day, forts Montgomery 
and Clinton were evacuated, and the British army soon after 
embarked, and proceeded down the rivei' towards New York. 

The withdrawal of the enemy from the fortifications on the 



GENEEAL DANIEL MORGAN. 179 

Hudson was followed by a distribution of the American forces 
which had concentrated at Peekskill. A large body moved 
down the west bank of the river, and took post at Haverstraw ; 
one thousand men were stationed in the Highlands, to guard the 
country and repair the works; and the remainder marched down 
on the east side of the river towards Kingsbridge. The object 
proposed by these dispositions was to hold in check the enemy in 
New York, and prevent a reinforcement from being sent to Gen. 
Howe. It was also an ulterior purpose to attack that city, should 
a favorable opportunity present itself.* 

/> Morgan, in the meantime, was advancing with his corps in all 
haste towards the head-quarters of the commander-in-chief, then 
at Whitemarsh. He had marched to Albany, where, having 
embarked his men, their baggage, &c., in a number of sloops, he 
arrived in a few days at Peekskill. From this point he advanced 
without delay, and arrived at Whitemarsh about the 18th of 
November. < 

The fatigues of the preceding campaign, when added to those 
of the long-forced march which had just been performed, had 
caused much sickness in the regiment, and rendered most of its 
members unable immediately to perform duty. The men were 
generally without the clothing, shoes, blankets, and other essen- 
tials to their taking the field on the opening of a northern winter. 
But the rifle corps was composed of no common materials. 

A few days were passed by the troops in recruiting their 
strength, and in having their want of clothing as far as possible 
supplied, when they evinced a readiness to take a part in the 
momentous operations then going forward. 

On the morning of the iVth of November, Cornwallis, at the 
head of two thousand men, left Philadelphia, with the object, 
after forming a junction with a body of troops from New York, 
then at Chester, of reducing Fort Mei'cer. Upon receiving intelli- 
gence of this movement, the commander-in-chief communicated it 

♦Sparks's Writings of Washington, vol. v., p. 124. 



180 THE LIFE OF 

to Gen. Yarniim, who commanded the fort, with orders to that 
officer, to hold out to the last extremity. Gen. Huntington's bri- 
gade was immediately detached to reinforce Gen. Varnum ; an 
express was sent to Gen. Glover, then marching with his brigade 
through New Jersey from the north, to file off to the left for the 
same purpose ; and Gen. Green, upon whom the command of the 
expedition devolved, crossed the Delaware at the head of his 
division. 

The Marquis de Lafayette accompanied this expedition, at the 
head of a force composed of a body of militia, and about IVO of 
Morgan's riflemen, being all of the corps who ivere fit for service 
at this time ; the rest beina: unavailable from the want of shoes.* 

It was hoped, by this movement, not only that the fort would 
be defended, but that Cornwallis would be forced to fight 
a superior force, under disadvantageous circumstances. Before a 
junction of these different bodies of troops was effected, however, 
Cornwallis, at the head of a force much larger than that which 
had been reckoned upon, advanced against the fort, which was 
thereupon evacuated. He then took post at Gloucester Point, 
and under cover of the guns of the men-of-war, transported his 
baggage, and the provisions he had collected, up the Delaware for 
Philadelphia, previously to embarking his army for the same 
point. 

Before the departure of the British, however, Morgan's rifle- 
men had an opportunity of adding to their enviable reputation, 
which was fully improved. Lafayette had obtained permission 
from General Green, to advance with his command, to recon- 
noitre Cornwallis's position. He was likewise left at liberty to 
make an attack, if circumstances seemed to warrant it. Cornwallis 
was at this time transporting his troops across the river from the 
Point. The marquis, accompanied by two or three officers and a 
guide, rode down to a point which projected some distance into 
the river, and commenced his observations. Being discovered by 

•Sparks's Writings of Washington, vol. v., p. 16T. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 181 

the enemy, a party of dragoons were sent to intercept him on his 
return. By good fortune, but not without some risk, he suc- 
ceeded in rejoining liis command. Thirsting for opportunities to 
distinguish himself, and as was remarked of him hy Washington, 
" determined to be in the way of danger," he resolved to have a 
brush with the enemy before he returned to camp. A scouting 
party was accordingly pushed forward towards the British camp 
on the Point, to make observations. This party speedily 
returned with the information, that a picket guard of three 
hundred and fifty Hessians, with three field pieces, was posted at 
a position a short distance in front, and about two miles and 
a half from the British camp. The marquis immediately led his 
men against the picket, which after a few minutes' hard fighting, 
was forced to fly. He followed the enemy closely, and, as 
remarked by himself in his account of the aftair to the com- 
mander-in-chiei, "made them run very fast." "British reinforce- 
ments came twice to their aid," he added, "but very far from 
recovering their ground, they always retjeated." In this engage- 
ment the enem;; lost from twenty to thirty killed, and had about 
forty wounded. The pursuit did not cease till they had gained 
their camp, one or two of their men having fallen within its 
precincts. The loss of the Americans was but one man killed? 
and six wounded. The marquis represented the conduct of the 
riflemen as abc^e all praise. " I never saw men," he declared, 
" so merry, so spirited, and so desirous to go on to the enemy, 
whatever force they might have, as that small party in this little 
fight." * 

A few days elapsed, when it became known that General Howe 
meditated an attack upon the American camp. On the night of 
the 5th of December, this officer moved from Philadelphia with 
all his forces, excepting a very ini^.onsiderable portion, which was 
left in his lines and redoubts. Capt. McLane, who had been sent 
forward with one hundred chosen men to watch the enemy, dis 

* Sparks's Writings of Washington, 'ol. v., pp. ITl, 172. 



182 THE LIFE OF 

covered them on the advance, at a place called Three Mile Runi 
and compelled their front division to change their line of march. 
They passed forward, however, and appeared the next morning on 
Chestnut Hill, in front of, and about three miles distant from, the 
right wing of the American army. As soon as the position of 
the enemy was ascertained, the Pennsylvania militia, posted on 
the right of the American lines, were ordered to move forward 
and skirmish with the enemy's light parties. The militia 
advanced as directed ; but after a slight engagement, they fled 
the field in disorder, leaving behind them, wounded and a 
prisoner, their commander. Gen. Irvine. The enemy changed 
their ground during the night, appearing on the next morning, 
advantageously posted, upon the left and within a mile of the 
American lines. They remained in this position during the 
whole of the Tth. The next day they inclined further to the left, 
and in doing so, approached still closor to the American left.* 

Appearances favored the belief that the enemy were determined 
upon an action. The commander-in-chief, being equally ready to 
meet tliem, if his inferioiity in strength could be made up by 
advantage of position, took his measures accordingly, Morgan 
was ordered to move forward with his regiment, and attack the 
advanced and flanking parties of the enemy. Similar orders were 
given to Colonel Gist, who commanded the Maryland militia. A 
few minutes elapsed, after Morgan had disposed his troops for 
action, and put them in motion, when a considerable body of the 
enemy were discovered marching down the side of a gentle slope. 
At the same moment a fire was heard a short distance to the right, 
which indicated that the Maryland militia were engaged. The 
riflemen needed no stimulus, of words or example, to urge them 
on to the attack. Never yet had they ftiiled in driving before 
them an opponent who was not vastly their superior in numbei's. 
They rushed on with their accustomed impetuosity and disregard 
of peril. Delivering a genera) and well-directed fire, which spread 

♦ Marshall's Washington. Tol. i., p. 183 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 183 

death broadcast in the ranks of the British column, they rapidly- 
advanced to a closer encounter. Before the enemy could recover 
from the surprise, occasioned by an exhibition of such extraordinary 
vigor, another volley, which fell with crushing effect upon their 
ranks, filled them with dismay, when, after an ineffectual discharge 
or two, they broke into disorder and fled. Regardless of conse- 
quences, and wild with the ex(;itement of battle, Morgan and his 
men fiercely pursued the fugitives. The latter had crossed the 
slope, when they were met by a column of British infantry, 
which was hastily advancing in the direction of the fire. The 
discomfited British immediately rallied, and the contest was now 
renewed with great spirit. The riflemen, nothing daunted by the 
presence of twice their numbers, returned the heavy fire of the 
enemy with the utmost resolution. Taking cover from the trees 
which occupied the ground rather thickly, they were screened 
from the enemy's shot which was showered upon them like rain ; 
while, on the other hand, the unerring rifle seldom failed to speed 
a messenger of death. But the militia under Colonel Gist, who 
had fallen in "with, and engaged a body of, the enemy, at about 
the same moment when the action commenced in this quarter, 
had been obliged to fly. Their victorious opponent, now advanc- 
ing, threatened Morgan's flank and rear. Thus at the moment 
when victory was about to declare itself in his favor, Morgan was 
forced to order a retreat. The troops were drawn ofi" in perfect 
order, and without experiencing any additional loss. So severely 
liad the enemy suffered, that they did not advance a single step in 
pursuit. 

The severe reception which the British received in this aff'air, 
probably admonished their commander of the danger of too far 
tempting a general engagement, and he returned to Philadelphia 
the next day. If the American army had exhibited a degree of 
resolution, at all comparable to that which was displayed by the 
rifle corps, it would have enabled the commander-in-chief to place 
General Howe in quarters far less agreeable than those to which 
that oflScer retired. 



184: THELIFEOF 

In this engagement, the slaughter of the enemy was unparalleled, 
considering the strength of the respective forces engaged. The 
precise amount of their loss has never been ascertained, however. 
One account from Philadelphia, soon after received, stated the 
number of wounded who were brought to that city, at five hun- 
dred ; and another represented that eighty-two wagons had 
arrived there, filled with dying and disabled men.* Although 
these accounts may have been somewhat exaggerated, it is never- 
theless susceptible of proof, that during the period between the 
appearance of the enemy at three Mile Run, and their return to 
Philadelphia, they incurred a loss of three hundred and fifty 
killed and wounded. As the encounter just described was the 
only one, during this incursion of the enemy, in which the loss 
on either side was considerable, it is fair to presume, that, at least, 
two hundred of their numbers fell on this occasion, by the rifles 
of Morgan's regiment. 

But, on the other hand, the rifle corps had sufi'ered severely. 
Twenty-seven of their number were either killed or wounded ; and 
among the latter, but beyond all hope of recovery, was the noble- 
hearted and intrepid Major Morris. This ofiicer, from the soldier- 
like qualities displayed by him on a variety of occasions, had 
attracted the attention and favor of the commander-in-chief; and 
upon the organizatioji of the rifle corps, he was appointed its 
major. lie possessed a disposition the most kind and generous, 
and a courage which no danger could shake, no misfortune could 
diminish. He enjoyed the confidence and regard of all who 
knew him ; and by the officers and men of the corps, with whom he 
had so often shared in the dangers and the glories of the war, he 
was deeply beloved. His death, which occurred a short time 
after this encounter, excited universal sorrow throughout the camp, 
and was the occasion of an act of generosity on the part of 
Lafayette, which is well worthy of being recorded here. 

Upon the return of the rifle corps, from the North, Lafeyette, 
brave himself, and admiring bravery in others, sought the 

♦Sparks's Writings of Washington, vol. v., pp. 182-1 82. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 185 

acquaintance of its officers. They met his advances with cordi- 
ality, and he was soon reg-arded by them all with warm affection. 
Between Morgan and Lafayette, the intimacy rapidly ripened into 
friendship, which existed during their lives, and even survived the 
grave, for it was cherished by their descendants with an ardor 
little abated by time or distance. A feeling equally generous had 
sprung up between the marquis and Major Morris ; and the death 
of the major, when considered in connection with the distresses 
which his bereaved wife and children must now encounter, thrown 
on the world, unprotected and penniless, gave Lafayette extreme 
pain. It soon occurred to him, that the most acceptable offering 
which could be made to the memory of his departed friend, would 
be to mitigate the soi-rows of the unfortunate widow and orphans. 
Filled with this idea, he addressed the following letter to Morgan, 
every sentence of which was dictated by the generous and elevated 
impulses which habitually swelled his truly noble heart. 

A * * * 1777. 

Dear Sir : I just now received your favor concerning our late friend 
Major Morris, and I need not repeat to you how much I am concerned m 
the interests of his family, I spoke the other day to his Excellency on 
the subject, and I shall write to Congress a very particular letter, where 
you will be mentioned. I intend to speak as in your name, and that of all 
your corps, and as being myself honored with their confidence. It is my 
opinion that a decent estate might be given to the family, as a mark of 
gratefulness from their country, and that his son must be promoted as 
soon as possible. But, my dear sir, you know how long Congress waive 
any matter whatsoever before a decision ; and, as Mrs. Morris may be in 
some want before that time, I am going to trouble you with a commission 
which I beg you will execute with the greatest secrecy. If she wanted to 
borrow any sum of money in expecting the arrangements of Congress, it 
would not become a stranger, unknown to her, to offer himself for that 
purpose. But you could (as from yourself) tell her that you had friends, 
who, being in the army, don't know what to do with their money, and as 
they are not in the mercantile or husbandry way, would wilhngly let her 
have one or many thousand dollars, which she might give again in three 
or four years, &c., &c., 



186 THE LIFE OF 

One other way could be to let her believe that you have got or 
borrowed the money from any town or body you will be pleased to 
mention ; or it would be needless to mention where it comes from. 

In a word, my dear sir, if with the greatest secrecy, and the most 
minute regard for that lady's delicacy, you may find a manner of being 
useful to her, I beg you would communicate to me immediately. 

I shall, as soon as possible, let you know the answer of Congress, 
whenever an answer will be got, and in expecting the pleasure to hear 
from you, I have the honor to be, very sincerely. 

Your most obedient servant, 

Marquis de Lafayette. 

Col. Morgan, of the Rifle Corps. 



It will, doubtless, please the readers to be informed that Lafa- 
yette's benevolent intentions were fully carried into effect. The 
sorrows of the widow were relieved from the superaddition of 
want, and the orphans felt less sensibly their bereavement, from 
the munificence of their father's friend. 

The vacancy in the regiment created by the death of Major 
Morris, was filled by Captain Posey, who was promoted to a 
majority. 

A few days after the action at Chestnut Hill, the American 
army moved from their camp at Whitemarsh, and went into 
winter quarters at Valley Forge. The position of the new camp 
was admirably calculated to keep the enemy in check, and to 
afi"ord the garrison the utmost security against danger. It 
greatly obstructed the intercourse between the city and the 
country, threatened the British army with the want of subsistence, 
and rendered their foragings to supply their necessities, extremely 
hazardous. Lastly, it guarded the country against the incursioi>s 
of a ruthless enemy, and stayed the hand of the despoiler. 

The more efiectually to carry out these objects, several bodies 
of troops were detached from the camp to distant points in 
various directions. General Smallwood marched with his division 
and took post at Wilmington ; and General Armstrong, with the 



GENERAL DANIEL MOEGAN. 187 

Pennsylvania militia, was stationed near the old camp at White- 
marsh. Major Jameson, with two troops of cavalry, and the 
infantry under Captain McLane, guarded the east ; and Captain 
Loe with his corps of horse, the west side of the Schuylkill. 
Morgan and his corps were placed in advance on the lines, on the 
west side of the Schuylkill, with the directions to intercept all 
supplies going to the city, and to keep a close eye on the 
movements of the enemy.* 

A. week had scarcely elapsed, after these arrangements had 
been made, when a strong body of the enemy left Philadelphia, 
and advanced towards Derby ; with the intention, as it afterwards 
appeared, of removing a large quantity of forage which had been 
collected on the island, above the mouth of Derby Creek. Intel- 
ligence of this movement first reached Colonel Morgan, then 
posted with the main body of his regiment in the neighborhood 
of Derby. Having sent an express to Head Quarters with the 
information,! Morgan advanced with his regiment to observe the 
enemy, and, if circumstances warranted an attack, to make it. 
But they were found to be so strong, and to conduct their march 
with so much circumspection, as to render it hazardous to assault 
them with an inferior force. These facts having been communi- 
cated to head-quarters, Morgan was soon after joined by Captain 
Lee's cavalry, a troop of Count Pulaski's horse, and a number 
of small detachments from the main army. He now determined 
to approach the enemy, and, if possible, to strike them a blow. 
Having appointed Radnor Meeting, as a place of rendezvous, in 
case of a repulse, he sent out a number of small parties to scout 
around the detachment of the enemy. But the severe losses 
which the latter had recently sustained, in petty encounters, had 

* Marshall's Washington, vol i., p. 218. 

t In a letter from Col. Morgan to General Washington, dated 23d December, 1777, the 
Col. observes :— 

" An honest looking Quaker just now came to me and informed me that he was up and 
saw the number of the enemy that is now out. He thinks of the light infantry there was 
about a thousand, with four field pieces. He thinks there is more of the battalions out 
than has been before. They were going out from four o'clock yesterday morning, till 
eleven." 



188 THE LIFE OF 

taught them caution, and convinced them that any indiscretion 
on their part would not pass unobserved, or unimproved, by 
Morgan. The troops which covered the foraging parties were in 
such numbers and so compactly arrayed — aided, besides, by 
several pieces of artillery — as to aft'ord little or no opportunity 
for an attack, except at a great disadvantage. 

But although the main body of the enemy kept him at bay, his 
scouting parties encountered similar bodies of the enemy in the 
woods, posted in observation, which in every instance were either 
driven in or captured, with more or less loss in killed and 
wounded. Lieut. Col. Butler, who commanded one of these 
parties, fell in with a troop of the enemy's horse. He succeeded, 
after a short encounter, in taking ten men and twelve horses, 
besides retaking a man belonging to Capt. Lee's company, who 
had been made prisoner, an hour or two before. Two of the 
enemy were killed ; the rest, among whom several were 
wounded, narrowly escaped.* 

The British, having eftected their object, returned to Philadel- 
phia. They were followed some distance by our troops ; but the 
same degree of caution which marked their movements, at first, 
continued to be observed, until they reached the city; conse- 
quently nothing of moment was attempted against them during 
the march. 

During the few days which were spent in the events just 
detailed, the riflemen and the other troops, sent to observe the 
enemy, suft'ered severely from exposure and the want of food and 
rest. The weather was intensely cold. Yet the troops, posted 
here and there in the immediate vicinity of the enemy, did not 
dare to have fires at night, lest they might thereby be subjected 
to surprise. In consequence of this, and their distance from every 
place fui-nishing at once shelter and security, they could not 
sleep ; and they saved themselves from perishing with cold only 
by keeping in constant motion.f 

* Letter, 23d December, 1777. 

+ MSS. Life of Gen. Hull, pp. 119, 120, 



GENEKAL DANIEL MORGAN. 189 

It was the intention of the commander-in-chief, on being 
apprised of this incursion of the enemy, to advance on them in 
force, and if circumstances were favorable, to bring on a general ■ 
engagement. The necessary directions with this end in view 
were given ; when it appeared that the army was unable to leave 
the encampment for the want of provisions, and that from this 
cause, the seeds of a dangerous mutiny had been sown among 
the soldiery. This alarming state of affairs was made the subject 
of a letter to the President of Congress, wherein the commander- 
in-chief declared, "I am now convinced beyond a doubt, that 
unless some great and capital change takes place in that [the 
commissary] line, this army must be inevitably reduced to one or 
the other of these three things — starve, dissolve, or disperse, in 
order to obtain subsistence in the best manner they can.* 

A short time after this event, Morgan turned his steps 
homeward, with the intention of spending a few weeks of the 
winter in the society of his family. Lieut. Col. Butler had 
recently been promoted to the command of a regiment in the 
Pennsylvania line. The command of the riflemen, therefore, 
devolved upon Major Posey. Morgan's absence was partly owing 
to ill health. The fatigues and sufferings experienced by him in 
the Canadian campaign, had seriously impaired a constitution, 
naturally very , robust. He now, for the first time, felt their 
effects in those ailments which eventually compelled him to retire 
from the service of his country, and which, having embittered his 
after existence, ultimately brought him to a premature grave. 

He remained at home during the winter, recruiting his health, 
and arranging his private affairs. Both had suffered from his 
devotedness to the public good ; yet he cheerfully made, not only 
this sacrifice, but that involved in the separation from wdfe, 
children, friends, and all the endearing associations of home. 
But he found a recompense, among other things, in the general 
respect and admiration with which his neighbors regarded him. 

* Sparks's Writings of Washington, vol. v., p. 197. 



190 THE LIFE OF 

Th-e words of the venerable Isaac Lane, expressed in a letter 
to Morgan, just before be returned to the scene of warlike opera- 
tions, gave language to the prevailing sentiment with which, at 
this period, he was regarded by the people of Western 
Virginia: "A man that bas so often left all that is dear to 
him, as tbou bast, to serve tby country, must create a sympathetic 
feelins: in every patriotic beart." 



Gji;NEKAL DANIEL MORGAN. 191 



CHAPTER XI. 

Morgan returns to the army— Opening of the new campaign— Abortive attempt to 
surprise Lafayette at Barren Hill — Morgan, with 400 volunteers, pursues the enemy — 
Preparations of the latter for some important movement — Consequent precautions of 
the commander-in-cliief — Morgan's activity — His system of commanding — His aversion 
to flogging — Anecdotes — The enemy evacuate Philadelphia — The movements of the 
American army which followed — Mi>rgan detached in aid of Gen. Maxwell — The 
British march to Monmouth C.H.— Morgan gains their right flank — Captures their 
straggling parties — Plan to ensnare him recoils on its authors — Morgan and Dickinson 
meditate an attack on the eni^my's baggage — Change of dispositions in the British line 
of march — Battle of Monmouth Court-house — Morgan's disappointment at not having 
had a share in the conflict — Enemy retreat to Middletown, followed by Morgan — Battle 
between his regiment and the British rear guard — The enemy embark for New-York, 
and Morgan marches for New Brunswick. 

Early in the spring, Col. Morgan left home and rejoined his 
regiment. The winter had furnished few occasions for a brush 
with the enemy. The activity of his command, and that of the 
other troops stationed on the lines, effectually cut off all commu- 
nication between the city and the country, and the enemy were 
at times greatly distressed for the want of fuel, provisions, and 
other necessaries.* 

But a new and stirring epoch in the war was about opening, 
wherein Morgan was destined to gather fresh laurels. Already, 
indications of the opening of a new campaign were observable. 
The enemy, early i-n May, were very active in making arrange- 
ments for what afterwards proved to be the evacuation of Phila- 
delphia, while the American array, blessed at length with a 
supply of everything necessary to their comfort and efficiency, 

* Marshall's Washington, vol. i., p. 227. 



192 THE LIFE OF 

forgot their past sufferings in the joyous anticipations of a 
glorious future. 

At the opening of the campaign of 1778, the strength of the 
opposing armies was nearly equal. The enemy's force "was 
estimated at somewhat more than 16,000 men, besides cavalry 
and artillery. Of these, about 10,000 mepi were in Philadelphia, 
4,000 in New-York, and 2,000 in Rhode Island. The American 
force amounted to about 15,000 men, besides horse and artillery 
Of these, 11,800 were at Valley Forge, and at points in the 
vicinity of that place, 1,400 at Wilmington, and 1,800 on the 
North river. When the recruits and reinforcements, then on the 
way to join the army, arrived, its strength was about 20,000 men.* 

For some time after Morgan's arrival at Radnor, where his 
regiment was posted, the enemy remained quiet within the city, 
and nothing of moment transpired to disturb the repose of either 
army until the 20th of May, when an unsuccessful attempt was 
made to surprise Lafayette, and disperse the force under his 
command at Barren Hill. Two days previous to this affair, the 
marquis was appointed to the command of a considerable force, 
with orders to march to the enemy's lines, between the Delaware 
and the Schuylkill. The objects of this movement were to furnish 
additional security to the American camp, to interrupt the com 
raunications with Philadelphia, to obstruct the incursions of parties 
of the enemy, and to obtain intelligence of their movements and 
designs. The detachment was composed of choice troops, and 
numbered upwards of two thousand men.-|- 

In obedience to directions J from head-quarters, Morgan 

* Sparks's Writings of Washington, vol. v., p. 860. + Ibid., p. 368. 

i Head-Qoarters, Valley Forge, May 17, 1778. 
Sir : His excellency is sending a considerable detachment towards the enemy's lines, 
which will march to-morrow morning. He desires you to select fifty men of your corps, 
under good officers, and send them to join that detachment. It will be at Whitemarsh 
to-morrow afternoon, when your party will be expected. A party of Indians will joic 
the party to be sent from your corps, at Whitemarsh, and act with them. 

I am, sir, your most ob't servant, 

Alex. Hamiltom. 
Ool. MOBGAN, Radnor. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 193 

detached Capt. Parr and fifty chosen men from his regiment to 
join the marquis's command at Whitemarsh. He was likewise 
instructed * to redouble his vigilance in guarding against a move- 
ment of the enemy, and to keep in communication with the other 
detachments stationed along the lines. It soon after appeared 
that there was good reason for these extraordinary precautions. 

The marquis advanced without delay, and on the 18th, took 
post on Barren Hill, a commanding eminence near the west bank 
of the Schuylkill, and midway between Matson's ford and another 
ford of the Schuylkill, some four miles below. On the night fol- 
lowing, General Grant, at the head of five thousand men, and 
Gen. Grey, with about fifteen hundred, moved in different direc- 
tions from Philadelphia and advanced on the marquis's posi- 
tion, with the intention of intercepting his retreat to the Ameri- 
can camp, and, through their great superiority in numbers, of 
either capturing or destroying his command.f This design was 
happily frustrated by the vigilance of a party of observation, com- 
posed of Captain McLane's company. Captain Parr's detachment 
of the rifle corps, and a body of Indians, the whole commanded 
by Captain McLane. This force was posted in advance of 
Lafayette's position about one mile. At night, however, it usually 
advanced towards the enemy's lines. On the morning of the 
19th, Captain McLane fell in with two British soldiers, who, after 
representing themselves to be deserters, informed him that Gens. 
Grant and Grey had marched the evening previous, from Phila- 

* Head Quarters, May 18, 1778. 
Sir: I am commanded by his excellency to desire that you will now keep the most 
vigilant watch over the motions of the enemy, with both foot and horse. It is particularly 
requisite at this time, as a considerable detachment marched this day towards the lines, 
on the other side of the river, which may, perhaps, induce the enemy to make a move 
out OQ this side. 

I am, sir, your most ob't servant, 

R. R. Meade, A.D.C. 
Col. Morgan, Radnor. 

P.S.— You will please to consult with Col. Jackson at the Gulf, that your parties may 
not fall in with each other. 

t Marshall's Washington, vol. !., p. 246, 

9 



194 THE LIFE OF 

delphia ; the first, with the grenadiers and light infantry, on the 
old York road, and the last, with a body of Germans, on the 
Ridge road, along the Schuylkill. These combined movements, 
and their direction, left no doubt on the mind of Captain 
McLane, that the marquis was their object.* He accordingly 
hastened back to Barren Hill, to communicate the intelligence. 
In the meantime, Captain Parr, at the head of his command of 
riflemen, and the Indians, advanced towards the enemy. When 
McLane arrived at Barren Hill, the marquis had just been 
apprised of the dangerous proximity of Grant, and was taking 
measures to meet the emergency. 

Although the enemy's attempt was skillfully planned, and 
boldly executed, the address which Lafayette displayed in extrica- 
ting himself was far more praiseworthy, and won for him the 
commendations of the whole army. Promptly availing himself 
of the only avenue of escape which remained open to him, he 
ordered a rapid retreat to Matron's ford, and happily succeeded 
in crossing the river, with all his baggage and artillery, before the 
enemy arrived. In the performance of this movement, General 
Grant was betrayed into a delay, which proved fatal to the object 
of his expedition. As the rear of Lafayette's force filed off" in 
haste towards the ford, the front made demonstrations as if about 
giving battle to the enemy. Grant hereupon halted his forces, 
and made preparations to meet the expected attack. In a short 
time, he discovered the ruse which had been practised on him, 
and hastened towards the ford. On arriving there, however, he 
found the marquis so advantageously posted on the opposite 
bank, as to render an attack too hazardous to be attempted.f 

In the meantime, a very animated contest had been maintained 
between Captain Parr's riflemen and Indians, and the British 
detachment under Gen. Grey. Advancing down the Ridge road, 
upon the news of the enemy's approach being made known. Parr 

♦Wilkinson's Memoirs, vol. i., p. 831. 

tSparks's Writings of Washington, vol. v., pp. 545-64T 



GENEEAL DANIEL MORGAN. 195 

soon after encountered their advanced guard, which he immediately 
attacked. The enemy, promptly deploying into line, returned the 
fire of Parr's party ; and for some minutes, the conflict was warm 
and bloody, several being killed and wounded on both sides. At 
length, hearing a fire at some distance in his rear, and perceiving 
the main body of Grey's troops coming up to the support of its 
advance guard, Parr and his command commenced a rapid 
retreat, and reached Matron's ford in time to take part in the 
encounter which occurred there between the rear of the Ameri- 
cans and the van of the British. Morgan had been early advised 
of this incursion of the enemy,* and in the expectation of falling 
in with one of their parties, had marched with the main body of 
his corps from Radnor, for some distance down the east side of 
the Schuylkill. Failing to meet an opponent, he retraced his 
steps, and was approaching Radnor, when he was informed of the 
object of the movement, and of its defeat. Before the subjoined 
order reached him, he had marched with all haste in the direction 
of the marquis, whom he found encamped a few miles from 
Matron's ford, on the road to Valley Forge. 

Here he received a notef from head-quarters, directing him to 

* Head Quarters, May 20th, 177S. 
Dear Sir: 

The enemy are out in considerable force on the other side of the Schuylkill. Their 
intentions are not known. His Excellency, therefore, desires that you would send out 
patrols towards the bridge, to see whether there is any movement that way, and march 
the main body of your detachment towards camp. 

I am. Sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 

Tench Tilghman, Aid-de-Camp. 
Colonel Morgan, Radnor 

iMay mh, ITTS. 
Dear Sir : 

It appears that the enemy came out with an intention to surprise the marquis ; but 
he has crossed the river, and will be between this and the gulf this evening. H<,^ ELxcel- 
lency desires you will march your party and join his, and then concert a plan to cross 
the Schuylkill this evening, with a party of active volunteers, from two hundred to five 
hundred, as they may turn out, of which you are to take command. The enemy aiarched 
all the last night, and m ist be much fatigued, and therefore, will probably halt. If *hey 



196 THE LIFE OF 

raise a body of from two to five hundred volunteers, and at their 
head to pursue the enemy. The latter, foiled in their attempt on 
*he marquis, had commenced an immediate retreat towards 
Philadelphia. It was believed, however, that from the fatigues 
which they had undergone in their march to Barren Hill, they 
would probably halt or loiter on their return, and in this event, 
an active party might be enabled to overtake, and seriously injure 
them. Accordingly, Morgan's demand for volunteers having 
been immediately responded to by all of his regiment then on the 
ground, and by about one hundred more, which included some 
forty Indians, a body of nearly four hundred men started with 
him in pursuit of the retreating foe. Bat after an absence of two 
days, they returned without having been able to effect anything, 
the enemy, contrary to all expectations, having used the utmost 
expedition in returning to Philadelphia. 

The active preparations of the enemy, for some object as yet 
unknown, now engaged the attention of the commander-in- 
chief; and no exertions, calculated to lead to the discovery of 
their intentions, were spared by him. From the first, he 
correctly divined this object to be the evacuation of Philadel- 
phia; but while a doubt remained, regarding their designs, he 
wisely confined his action to such measures as w^ould increase the 
security of his forces, and guard them against a misfortune.* ' 
The utmost vigilance was accordingly required of the officers 
commanding detachments in advance and on the lines, illustra- 
tions of which are furnished in the case of Col. Morgan by tie 
number of letters to this effect, which werer"^ addressed to him 



do, you may perhaps plague them, and pick up some stragglers. If any of the Indians 
will go over, they may be of some service. 

I am your most obedient servant, 

Tench Tilgum ah, Aid-de- Camp. 
Colonel Morgan, at Radnor. 

* Sparks's Writings of Washington, vol. v., pp. 366, 377. 



GENEEAL DANIEL MOEGAN. 197 

from head-quarters about this time.* These officers and their 
commands were therefore kept constantly on the alert, in the 
hourly expectation of some important development. 



* The following are selected from a number of letters, written with the object aboye 
stated, during the exciting period just preceding the evacuation of Philadelphia. 

Head Quarters, 2Sd May, 1778. 
Sir : His Excellency has this instant received intelligence that the enemy means very 
shortly to move your way. You are therefore desired to keep the most vigilant watch, 
and that as near their bridge and other places as you possibly can. Should you make 
discoveries opposite the Fort, you will give the very earliest notice of it. This you will 
please to communicate to Colonel Smith, at the Gulf, and also to Col. Van Schaick. 

I am, sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 

R. R. Meade, A.D.C. 
Col. Morgan, at Radnor. 



Head Quarters, 2Wi May, 1778. ) 
8 o'clock, P. M. J 

Dear Sir : "We have fresh reason to believe that the enemy are prepared to move, 
perhaps this night. If they come out in force, General Smallwood will expect to have the 
intelligence from you. You are therefore to keep two of your best horse ready mounted, 
and dispatch them to him, one a little while after the other, for fear of accident. 
I am your most obedient servant, 

Tench Tilghman. 
Col. Morgan, at Radnor, 



COL. JAMES MO HENRY TO COLONEL MORGAN. 

Head Quarters, Valley Forge, llUi May, 1778. 
Dear Sir : His Excellency is much obliged to you for your information. There 
is little room, from a concurrence of circumstances, all coming different ways, to doubt 
of their intentions to evacuate tte city. 

The Indians (about forty) will be either immediately pat under your command, or 
employed on the other side of the Schuylkill. 

I am sir, with much respect. 

Your very humble servant. 

Jaues MoHenrt. 
Colonel Morgan, at Radnor, 



198 THE LIFE OF 

Morgan's regiment observed the country east of Radnor, 
between the Schuylkill and Derby Creek to the Delaware. 
While the intermediate space was covered by his numerous 
patrolling parties of horse and foot, the main body moved from 
point to point, as circumstances required ; and the party was 
fortunate indeed who passed unobserved through the line occu- 
pied by him to or from Philadelphia. 

It is to be regretted that the numerous instances of his vigi- 
lance and activity during the three months preceding the evacua- 
tion of that city by the British, should remain unrecorded. 
Their value may be attested by the frequent and flattering 
acknowledgments which they elicited from the commander-in-. 
chief — one who, be it remarked, was never prodigal of his 
praise. Suffice it to say, that he performed well the duty which 
devolved upon him, proving, besides, that, whether in the field of 
battle, where courage and judgment are chiefly required, or in 
the discharge of those military duties which call for the exercise 

Head Quarters, 29<A May, 1778. 
Dear Sir: His Excellency commands me to inform you that, as soon as ever you 
shall have received certain intelligence of the enemy's having evacuated Philadelphia, 
you are to return with the whole of your command to camp, and not to suffer a single 
soldier to enter the city. 

I am, with great respect, Dear Sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 

John Laurens, A.D.O. 
Col. Morgan, at Radnor. 



Head Quarters, ZQth May, 1778. 

Dear Sir : Colonel Meade being under the necessity of going out, I have to inform 
you that your letter respecting Sir Henry Clinton, is received. His Excellency is highly 
pleased with your conduct upon this occasion. I expect you will hear, by the time this 
reaches you, that the troops are evacuating Philadelphia. 
I am, Dear Sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 

John Fitzgerald, A.D.C. 
Colonel Mobqxh. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 199 

of vigilance, prudence, and perseverance, his claims to the char- 
acter of an accomplished soldier were alike indisputable. 

The high estimation in which the rifle regiment was regarded 
by the commander-in-chief and the army, has been sufficiently 
instanced. Throughout the country it was considered the elite 
of the American forces, a reputation which it had earned, not 
merely from its prowess in the field, but from its patience and 
fortitude under privations ; its prompt obedience to every order, 
however disagreeable ; its discipline ; and the general good char- 
acter and patriotism of its members. 

Much of this was owing to the great capacity for commanding, 
which Morgan undoubtedly possessed ; to the example which his 
own conduct presented for the imitation of his men ; and to the 
great, the almost fatherly, regard with which he inspired them. 
In the government of his regiment, the stern and severe system 
invariably followed in the management of the other regiments in 
the continental establishment, was unknown. He appealed to the 
pride, rather than to the fears of his men, in obtaining from them 
a prompt performance of all the requirements of duty ; and thus 
a system of government for soldiery which had so often failed in 
other hands, became preeminently successful in his. 

He held himself accessible to his men on all suitable occasions, 
and encouraged them to come to him whenever they had any 
just cause of complaint. He knew what every soldier was enti- 
tled to, and would never sufier them to be wronged or imposed 
on. He took great pains to have them provided, at all times, 
with a sufficiency of provisions, clothing, and everything neces- 
sary to their comfort ; and the wounded and sick experienced his 
constant attention and care. One of the effects of this policy was, 
that the officers and men, from the influence and example of 
their commander, regarded themselves as one great family, or as 
a band of brothers, among whom none of the austerities of the 
strict disciplinarian were observed. The afiection with which 
Morgan was regarded by his men, is instanced by the fact that 



200 THE LIFE OF 

almost every one of those who marched under his command to 
Quebec, and who survived that disastrous expedition, was now to 
be found in the ranks of his regiment* 

He never permitted any of them to be brought before a 
court martial, or to be punished by whipping. When one of 
them was charged with an offence which called for punishment, 
the accused, if guilty, was taken by Morgan to some secluded 
place, where no one could witness what might occur, and there, 
after a lecture on the impropriety of his conduct, would receive a 
thumping, more or less severe, according to the nature of his 
offence. 

It once happened, when Morgan was away from his camp, that 
one of his favorite rijflemen, who had committed some misde- 
meanor, was brought before a court martial, condemned, and 
whipped in the face of the whole regiment. "When Morgan 
returned, and was informed of what had taken place, he was so 
chagrined, that it is said he shed tears, and declared that he 
would not have had the offender whipped on any consideration 
whatever — that the man belonged to one of the most respectable 
families in his neighborhood, and was, withal, a high spirited and 
eflBcient soldier — but that he must now be so lowered in his own 
esteem, as to be unable ever to recover his former self-respect 
and pride of feeling.f 

Another instance of his manner of governing may be given. 
There was a rough piece of road which it was necessary to have 
repaired ; a party of his men were accordingly sent, under the 
command of an ensign, to execute the work. While they w^ere 
thus engaged, Morgan rode up, and saw two of them heaving at a 
large rock, the removal of which was evidently beyond their 
strength, the ensign at the same time looking on, without giving 
them his assistance. " Why don't you lay hold and help these 
men?" inquired Morgan, addressing the ensign. "Sir," replied 
the latter, " I am an oflScer !" " I beg your pardon," responded 

* MSS. Dr. HiU. t MSS. Dr HiU. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 201 

Morgan, " I did not think of that !" Instantly alighting from his 
horse, he approached the rock, seizing hold of which, he 
exclaimed to the men whom he was assisting, " Now ! heave hard 
my boys !" The rock was soon removed, when Morgan, without 
another word, mounted his horse, and rode oft'.* 

Such was the afi'ection with which, by these means, Morgan 
inspired his men for himself, and such was the confidence which 
they had in his judgment and bravery, that they never hesitated 
to engage in any enterprise, however hazardous, when he gave 
the order. To resume, however, our narrative. 

It became' apparent about the beginning of June, that the 
enemy intended to evacuate Philadelphia. Sir Henry Clinton 
had succeeded General Howe in the command of the British 
army in that city, when it soon became known that an early 
movement was determined on. Indeed, the expected arrival of 
D'Estaing, with a large land and naval force, rendered Sir Henry's 
sojourn much longer in that quarter exceedingly hazardous. It 
afterwards appeared that orders for the evacuation of Philadel- 
phia had been previously issued from the British government. It 
likewise became known that the destination of Sir Henry Clinton's 
forces was New York ; but whether they would proceed thither 
by land or sea, was still a matter of uncertainty. The British 
fleet, still lying in the Delaware, could, it was believed, readily 
take the troops and their artillery, baggage, &c., on board. But 
Washington, reckoning upon the fears which the British general 
must naturally entertain of encountering a superior French fleet 
on his passage, inclined to the belief that the movement would 
be eftected across New Jersey. The correctness of this belief was 
subsequently confirmed by the movements of the British army. 

On the morning of the 18th June, Sir Henry Clinton broke up 
his quarters at Philadelphia, and crossing the Delaware, 
advanced with his forces slowly up its northern bank. As soon 

* MSS. Dr. HiU. 

9* 



202 THE LIFE OF 

as the intelligence of this event * was confirmed, the commander- 
in-chief called in all his advanced detachments, including 
Morgan's regiment, and made instant preparations for a rapid 
forward movement of his whole force into Jersey. Anticipating 
that Sir Henry Clinton would cross New Jersey, Washington had 
previously sent General Dickinson into that State, to raise the 
militia, and to break down the bridges, fell trees, and adopt every 
other expedient calculated to retard the enemy's march. 
General Maxwell, with the New Jersey brigade, was soon after 
directed to join General Dickinson. General Lee was now 
ordered to advance towards the Delaware, and, crossing at 
Corryell's Ferry, to halt upon the first strong ground he met, 
until further orders. Gen. Wayne, with the first and second 
Pennsylvania regiments, and the brigade lately commanded by 
General Conway, moved in the same direction. The commander- 
in-chief, with the main body of the army, followed. In his train 
marched Morgan and his corps.f 

On the 2 2d, the army crossed the Delaware at Corryell's ferry, 
when measures were taken to increase the enemy's embarrassment. 
Col. Morgan, with his regiment and a body of volunteers, in all 
600 men, were detached in aid of Gen. Maxwell. 

The main body advanced towards Princetown. On the 24tli 
June, it lay in Hopewell township. From this point. Gen. Scott, 
with 1,500 men, and a detachment of Col. White's cavalry, and 
Gen. Cadwallader, with a body of continental troops and Penn- 
sylvania volunteers, were sent to co-operate with Gens. Maxwell 
and Dickinson, against the enemy's left flank and rear,| 

* Head Quarters, Valley Forge, 18th June, 1778. 

Sir : — I am informed this morning, that the enemy's rear are evacuating the city. You 
will immediately send down a small party of horse under a good officer, on this side, in 
order to ascertain the matter, or to gain intelligence. The result of his inquiry you will 
transmit as soon as possible, and hold yourself in readiness to join this army on the first 
orders. I am, sir, your very humble servant. 

Colonel Morgan, at Radnor. George Washington. 

t Marshall's Washington, vol. i., pp. 248-251. 

X Sparks's Writings of Washington, vol. v., p. 417. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 203 

The British, since their departure from Philadelphia, had 
progressed slowly up the right bank of the Delaware, the heat of 
the weather, their immense baggage train, and the impediments 
thrown in their path by Dickinson and Maxwell, having greatly 
retarded their progress. They encamped on the 24 th of June in 
the neighborhood of Allentown. 

But they had now reached a point, once beyond which, their 
course would be divested of all uncertainty, when it was the 
determination of the American chief to take vigorous measures 
against them. Of the three routes to New York which here 
presented themselves to Sir Henry Clinton, those by way of New 
Brunswick and South Amboy to Staten Island, and that leading 
to Sandy Hook, across the strong ground about Middletown, he 
wisely, and to the American army, very unexpectedly, chose the 
latter. The slowness with which he had advanced, favored the 
belief that he wished for battle, and that to bring a conflict on, he 
would run some hazard in taking the usual, but more dangerous, 
route towards New Brunswick. He would then be advancing on, 
instead of filing oft', from his antagonist, as was the nature of his 
movement after leaving Allentown. Another effect of this 
manoeuvre was, relatively to change the advanced and command- 
ing position which the American army previously occupied on Sir 
Henry Clinton's left, into one at some distance in hif5 rear. His 
decision created much disappointment among the Americans, and 
no doubt greatly marred the plans which had been formed against 
him. Had he determined otherwise, they felt assured of conse- 
quences which comprehended even the capture or dispersion of 
his forces. 

On receiving this intelligence, the commander-in-chief imme- 
diately dispatched one thousand select men under Gen. Wayne," to 
veinforce the detachments in advance, and sent Gen. Lafayette 
forward to take the command of all the advanced parties, with 
orders to seize the first fair opportunity of attacking the enemy's 
rear. In the evening of the same day, the main body of the 



204 THE LIFE OF 

army, after leaving their baggage behind, marched from Kingstou» 
and arrived at Cranberry the next morning. 

On the day previous, duplicates of the following note \vere sent 
to Morgan through Gens. Dickinson and Maxwell ; 

Head Quarters, Hopewell Township, June 24, 1778- 
Sir : You are, upon the receipt of this, to take the most effectual 
means for gaining the enemy's right flank, and giving them as much 
annoyance as possible in that quarter. Among the miUtia annexed to 
your corps. Gen. Dickinson will take care that there are persons perfectly 
acquainted with the country and roads, so as to prevent every delay and 
danger which might arise from a want of intelligent guides. 
I am, sir, your most ob't servant, 

George Washington. 
Col. Morgan. 

Before receiving these instructions, Morgan and his command 
had succeeded, by forced marches, in gaining a position on the 
enemy's right flank. On the 26th, while the British were 
advancing towards Monmouth, he was encamped at Squaw 
Swamp.* The caution with which the enemy advanced, rendered 

* Squaw Swamp, June 27, 1778, 2 o'clock. 
Sib: I arrived at this place yesterday — encamped on the woods — sent out smal. 
parties. Capt. Lowry fell in with fifteen grenadiers, and made them prisonex's ; deserters 
are continually coming in. I have several parties out, whom I expect something from. 
I shall continue on the enemy's right till I have orders to the contrary. They keep in so 
compact a body, that it is impossible to do them much damage. However, I will annoy 
them as much as possible. 

I have the honor to be your ob't servant, 

Daniel Morgan. 
To his excellency, Gen. Washington, Head Quarters. 

Gen. Washington to Col. Morgan. 

Head Quarters, Sunday, 12\ o^clocJc. 
Sir : I have just received your letter by the dragoon. As your corps is out of sup- 
porting distance, I would have you confine yourself to obsei'ving the motions of the 
enemy, unless an opportunity offers of intercepting some small parties, and by no means 
to come to an engagement with your whole body, unless you are tempted by some very 
evident advantage. Gen. Greene's aid-de-camp has already written you to this efifect, but 
the orders are repeated to guard against accident. 

I am, sir, your most humble servant, 

George Washington. 

COU MOBOAH. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 205 

an attack on his part not only hopeless of success, but, from his 
want of cavalry, highly dangerous. He sent out a number of 
small parties, however, which succeeded in bringing in a large 
number of stragglers and deserters. Capt. Lowry, who com- 
manded one of these parties, fell in with a body of fifteen grena- 
diers, whom he made prisoners and brought into camp. To 
encourage desertion from the enemy's ranks, his detachments 
showed themselves as often as they safely could. In consequence, 
large numbers of British soldiers deserted, and passed through 
the ranks of his corps towards the interior 

On the same day, a plan was laid by the British to draw 
Morgan into a snare, which led to the following circumstances : 
During the succeeding night, a spy of the enemy, who called 
himself Smith, went to Morgan's camp, and pretending to be a 
zealous friend of independence, told him that he had a piece of 
information of great importance to communicate. Upon being 
invited to proceed, he told Morgan that a valuable portion of the 
enemy's baggage was collected together in a certain place on the 
right of their camp, protected by a very weak guard, and that he 
might very easily capture or destroy the whole of it during the 
night. Morgan at once suspected his informant to be a spy. 
After a moment's reflection, he said to the man, " Look at me, 
sir !" and then, regarding him steadily and sternly in the face, for 
a minute or more, he at length observed, " Now are you sure you 
are telling me the truth ?" Watching the effect which this 
inquiry might produce, he saw the man's eye fall and his counte- 
nance change. Morgan was now convinced that the man was an 
emissary of the enemy, and that he had been sent to draw him 
into a snare or ambuscade, or to work him some injury of the 
kind. Carefully concealing his suspicions, however, and pretend- 
ing to believe all that had been communicated to him, he clapped 
the spy on the shoulder with an air of well assumed confidence 
and regard, and observed : " Well, my good friend, I am a thou- 
sand times obliged to you for your valuable mformation. I have 



206 THE LIFE OF 

to request, however, that you will be my guide to the enemy's 
baggage." The uneasiness which the man betrayed at the 
prospect of being detained as a guide, gave further grounds for 
the belief that he was playing a treacherous part. He was 
speedily re-assured, however, upon being informed by Morgan, 
that as he was a good friend to his country, he would be placed 
under no restraint, but might go where he pleased. Before he 
left the camp, it was agreed that he should return the next 
morning at four o'clock, to conduct Morgan to the enemy's 
baggage. 

Smith started directly to the British camp, where, having 
communicated the information that the riflemen were to attack 
their baggage train at four o'clock the next morning, formidable 
preparations were made to receive them. This was in perfect 
accordance with Morgan's conjectures and wishes. There was a 
considerable body of the enemy, which, he had been informed by 
his scouts, had taken possession of a mill, situated about a mile 
from the place where he was expected to appear the next 
morning. This body he determined to attack, while the enemy's 
attention was engaged in a different quarter. A short time before 
the appointed hour, Morgan drew up his men and marched 
towards the mill. Just at the time when the troops lying in 
ambush for him were looking for his arrival, they heard the crack 
of his rifles in the distance. He soon silenced the troops at the 
mill, took them all prisoners, and marched them oft' without loss 
or difficulty. 

So cleverly had Morgan availed himself of the treachery which 
the enemy had employed against him, that they now believed 
that it had been directed against themselves. Nothing could 
convince them that Smith was not a spy in Morgan's employ. 
Without ceremony they strung him up by the neck to the limb 
of a tree, and marched oft', leaving him hanging there.* 

Everything at this time indicated that a struggle was 

*MSS. cfTr HiU. 



GENERAL DANIEL MOEGAN. 207 

approaching. As the enemy advanced towards Monmouth, 
Morgan hung on their right flank, and Dickinson on their left, 
while pressing on their rear were the other advanced detach- 
ments, which had been reinforced the day before by two brigades, 
the whole being under the command of General Lee. In the 
meantime, the commander-in-chief, with the main body of the 
army, pressed forward, to be within supporting distance of the 
advance, should it need assistance. 

Sir Henry Clinton, apprehensive for the safety of his baggage, 
had reversed the previous disposition of his line, placing his best 
troops in the rear, and his baggage train in front. In this order 
he arrived at, and encamped on, a piece of ground of great 
natural strength, in the neighborhood of Monmouth Court House, 
on the evening of the 2'7th. 

It had been concerted between General Dickinson and Colonel 
Morgan to avail themselves of the first favorable occasion for 
attacking, and if possible, destroying, the enemy's baggage train. 
In pursuance of this object, they had been constantly on the 
alert, awaiting only the diversion created by a battle between the 
American advance and the British rear, to make the attack. Up 
to the evening of the 27th, no such opportunity had been 
afforded them. Knowing as they did, however, that another day 
would not pass without a conflict, they felt assured that the 
moment was at hand when they could carry their scheme into 
execution. 

About five o'clock on the morning of the 28th, the enemy's 
baggage train, guarded by a strong force under Gen. Knyphausen, 
commenced moving from Monmouth towards Middletown. This 
fact having been communicated to head-quarters, Dickinson and 
Morgan put their respective forces in motion, the one on the left, 
and the other on the right of the British line of march. An hour 
or two elapsed, and some miles had been traversed, when it 
became known to Morgan and Dickinson that Sir Henry Clinton 
was still at Monmouth Court House with the main body of his 



208 THE LIFE OF 

forces, and that appearances indicated that he would remain there 
for some time longer. His object, it afterwards appeared, was to 
enable Knyphausen to get well in advance with the baggage, 
before he put the rear in motion. 

This arrangement disconcerted Morgan and Dickinson in their 
designs on the enemy's baggage ; for to continue following it 
under these circumstances would endanger their communica- 
tions with head-quarters, and this would be a gr»;at risk as well 
as a violation of orders. On the other hand, to return would be 
equivalent to an abandonment of their scheme, for Knyphausen 
would reach the neighborhood of Middletown before night, in 
which event he would be beyond the reach of danger. While 
in this dilemma, however, they were apprised of the advance of 
the rear division of the British, and directed to halt and make 
preparations for an attack. 

Washington had determined to seize the moment when the 
enemy should move from Monmouth to assail them in force. As 
soon as he was informed that their front was in motion, he sent 
orders to General Lee to attack them, " unless there should be 
very powerful reasons to the contrary ;" and marched with the 
main body to the support of the advanced division. Accordingly, 
when Sir Henry Clinton moved from Monmouth, he was followed 
into the plain by Lee. A party of about fifteen hundred men 
covered the rear of the enemy. Wayne was pushed forward to 
engage this party, while Lee, marching by a circuitous . route, 
attempted to intercept its advance to the main body, and to cut 
it off before it could receive assistance.* 

This manoeuvre was in progress while tie British were 
marching past the defiles in which Morgan on one side, and Dick- 
inson on the other, had stationed their respective commands. 
Dickinson's men, being posted nearer to Monmouth, were the first 
to commence the attack. After a short encounter, they were 
forced to retire. Morgan and his command were eager for the 

♦Marshall's Washington, vol. i., pp. 251-258. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 209 

conflict in whicli they thought they were about engaging, when 
it became known that the entire body of the enemy were coun- 
*ierm arching towards Monmouth. 

The British general, observing the hostile demonstrations of 
such large numbers upon his flanks and rear, and apprehensive 
for his baggage, determined upon a rapid retrograde movement 
of his entire division, with the twofold object of dispersing the 
American forces in his rear, and of compelling the recall of those 
on his flanks. Lee was advancing to cooperate with Wayne, in 
the projected capture of the British covering party, when he 
unexpectedly discovered the whole of the enemy's rear in full 
inarch on his command. Surprised, but not disconcerted, Gen. 
Lee prepared for battle. But as the ground on which he found 
himself was unfavorable, and as a portion of his command had 
already commenced retreating, he ordered the remainder to retire 
to a better position in his rear. While performing this 
manoeuvre, the British commenced the attack. Their dragoons 
charged a portion of Lafayette's command, and obliged it to give 
way. Advancing with impetuosity, they threw a momentary 
disorder into the ranks of some of the retreating regiments, which 
hastily retired. Matters were in this posture when Washington 
arrived with the main body of the army. Vexed and disap- 
pointed at the unexpected turn which the tide of battle had taken, 
he proceeded to the rear of the retreating troops, and meeting 
General Lee, expressed his disapproval of that officer's conduct 
in terms of severity.* Finding the enemy pressing closely 
forward, he succeeded in forming and bringing into action a pari, 
of the retreating troops. These, with the aid of some well served 
pieces of artillery, succeeded in checking the enemy, and gave 
time for a disposition upon an eminence of the left wing and 
second line of the main army. Lord Sterling, who commanded 
the American left, opened upon the approaching enemy so 
"destructive a fire of cannon and musketr}'^, as to put a stop to 

* Marshall's Washington, vol. i,, p. 254. 



210 THELIFE OF 

^heir advance in that direction. They next attempted to turn 
the American left flank ; but were repulsed and driven back by 
detached parties of infantry. They now made a movement 
against the American right under Gen. Greene. This officer had 
been marching with his command to gain the enemy's right 
flank, when, hearing the fire on his left, he turned in that direc- 
tion, and without waiting for orders, took a veiy advantageous 
position on the right. He met the enemy with such a heavy 
fire, that they were not only repulsed, but shaken. Before they 
could recover from the eftect of these successive discomfitures, 
General Wayne advanced with a body of infantry, and threw into 
their ranks so heavy and well directed a fire, as to cause them to 
yield their ground, and to retire to the spot where the action 
began.* 

Although the position which the enemy now took was very 
strong, their flanks being secured by woods and morasses, and 
their front accessible only by a narrow pass, the commander-in- 
chief determined, nevertheless, to attack them. Accordingly, 
Gen. Poor, with his own and the Carolina brigades, was ordered 
to move upon their right ; General Woodford was directed to 
take a position on their left ; and the artillery was commanded to 
open on them in front. Before these dispositions were perfected, 
however, night came on, and prevented a renewal of the battle. 

The loss of the Americans in this action was eight officers and 
sixty-one privates killed, and about one hundred and sixty 
wounded. That of the British was much more considerable, 
amounting to about 300 killed, a much greater number wounded, 
and about 100 prisoners.f 

The chief object of Sir Henry Clinton in turning on his pur- 
suers, was that cf extricating his baggage from the danger with 
which he clearly perceived it was menaced, by the American 
flanking parties, commanded by Morgan and Dickinson. These 

* Sparks's Writings of Washington, vol. v., p. 426. 
t Marshall's Washington, vol. i., pp. 255, 256. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 211 

ojBScers, on hearing the iSring in the early stages of the 
action, felt confident of being enabled to achieve something hon- 
orable to themselves, if not disastrous to their opponents, before 
the day closed. They had already partially engaged the enemy, 
when the latter were observed retracing their steps towards 
Monmouth. Soon after, and while the din of the conflict that 
ensued was heard in the distance, Morgan received orders to join 
the army. Unfortunately, he took a route on his return which 
diverged somewhat from that leading to the field of battle ; and 
from this cause, with the late hour of the day at which he 
commenced a march of some miles through a broken country, he 
did not reach the American army till night. 

Excessive was his mortification, and that of his corps, upon 
being informed of the events of the day, and of the opportu- 
nities which, from want of information, they had lost, of attacking 
the enemy in rear during the engagement. In a letter to the 
commander-in-chief, written two days afterwards, at his camp 
near Nut Swamp, Morgan says: "I congratulate your Excel- 
lency on the victory gained over the British army. They have, 
from every account, had a severe flogging. If I had had notice 
of their situation, to have fallen upon them, w^e could have taken 
most of them, I think. We are all very unhappy that we did not 
share in the glory.''* 

Washington had resolved to renew the action upon the appear- 
ance of day on the 29th. With this object, the detachments 
posted on the enemy's flanks and front, were directed to 

* TO THE ABOVE THE FOLLOWING REPLY WAS WRITTEN, 

English Town, SOth June, 1778. 
Sir : His Excellency i*eceived your favor of this date, and thanks you for your con- 
gratulations on the victory of the 28th. It was a happy event, and will do honor to him 
and to the American arms. The particulars you must patiently wait to hear until 
you join us. You were written to by the general, this morning, for your government, 
and to that I refer you. 

I am. Sir, 

Your most ob't serv't, 

Richard R. Meade, A. D. C 
CoL. Morgan. 



212 THE LIFE OF 

maintain their respective positions,^ while to support them, the 
main body of the army lay upon their arms in the field of battle. 
But about 12 o'clock at night, the British marched off in such 
silence that although General Poor's brigade lay extremely near 
them, they effected their object without being discovered. Hopeless 
of being able to overtake them before they reached the high ground 
about Middletown, the commander-in-chief relinquished a further 
pursuit with the main body of the army. But Maxwell's brigade, 
Morgan's regiment, and a few light parties under Colonel Gist, 
were sent after the enemy, with orders * to press on their rear, to 
countenance desertions, and as far as possible, to prevent depreda- 
tions oh the inhabitants.! 

Before Sir Henry Clinton's forces reached Middletown, Morgan 
was hovering about their rear. No opportunity was aflbrded him 
for an attack, however, except at great hazard. But he picked 
up a large number of stragglers and deserters ; and to encourage 
desertion, frequently appeared within sight of the retreating 
column. More than two hundred deserters passed through his 
ranks between Monmouth and Middletown.^ 

* Head Quarters, English Town^ ZOith June, 1778. 
Dear Sir : His Excellency desires you to remain as near the enemy as you possibly 
can until they have all embarked. Gen. Maxwell will remain somewhere in the neigh- 
borhood of Monmouth Court House, to support you. You are to consider yourself left 
for two purposes — to cover the country from incursions of the enemy, and to afford a 
shelter for deserters to repair to ; for which purpose you are to show yourself as often 
and as near as possible. The spirit of desertion that prevailed so much in the British 
army will undoubtedly be heightened by their late ill fortune. Be pleased to keep an 
exact account of the deserters that come to you, that we may be able to form some 
judgment of the numbers that have come from them since they left Philadelphia. 
I am. Dear Sir, Your most ob't serv't, 

Tench Tilghman. 
P. S. — The commissary will leave provision to the 8th inst. for you, at Penolopy, three 
miles from this place. When that is exhausted, your commissary must look out in the 
country. 
Colonel Daniel JIorgan. 

To the care of Gen. Dickinson, who will be pleased to forward it. 
tSparks's Writings of Washington, vol. v., pp. 428, 429. 

X The following is one of a number of notes which were addressed to Colonel Morgan, 
from head -quarters, on the 29th June : 

Head Quarters, near Monmout/i, Court House, 29th June, 1778. 
Sm . As it is probable that the enemy are exceedingly harassed with the heat of t^.e 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 213 

The British having remained at Middletown for a short time to 
recruit their men, advanced on the 30th, and encamped, the 
main body about three miles, and the rear guard about one mile, 
from the town. Early the next morning, the place was occupied 
by Morgan and his corps. During the day, he threw forward a 
strong body of his riflemen, who attacked the advanced parties of 
the enemy's rear guard, and compelled them, after a sharp fire 
of a few minutes' duration, to fall back upon their supporters. 
Being soon after strongly reinforced with infantry as well as 
cavalry, the British made a stand. The contest was renewed 
with much spirit on both sides ; but the enemy having sent a 
column on each flank of the riflemen, the latter were forced to 
retire to the main body of the regiment, then posted on a hill in 
the rear. The position afforded by this hill was one in which 
the riflemen could fight to the greatest advantage; it secured 
them, besides, from what they most dreaded, an attack from 
cavalry. The offer of battle which Morgan hereupon made to the 
enemy, was declined. They retreated to their camp, taking with 
them several killed and wounded. One man only of the riflemen 
was hurt on this occasion, and he but slightly.* 

Morgan, in furnishing the commander-in-chief with a brief 
account of this aff"air, laments the embarrassment which he had 
experienced during the pursuit of Sir Henry Clinton, for the want 
of a body of cavalry. Had such a body been attached to his 
command, on the preceding 28th, he could have kept himself 
informed of the operations of that eventful day, and would 
doubtless have shared in the battle, if indeed, he had not rendered 
the victory which the Americans eventually achieved, much more 

■weather, and the fatigue of the engagement yesterday, his Excellency desires that you 
will press upon their rear, and pick up all that you possibly can. You will follow them 
as far as you can, consistently, with the safety of your party. 

I am, Dear Sir, 

Your most ob't serv't, 

Tench Tilghman, A.D.O. 
Col. Morgan. 

* Letter, July 2, 1778. 



214 THE LIFE OF 

decisive in its character. In the letter alhided to, which is dated 
at " Middletown, 2nd July, '78, 9 o'clock," he observes: "I am, 
and have been, ever since I came out, at a great loss for light 
horse, having none annexed to me. General Scott sent me a 
sergeant and six, whose horses were tired, and were rather an 
encumbrance, as they could scarcely raise a gallop. Major 
Jameson was here yesterday. I applied to him for a few. He 
sent Captain Hanson, who stayed with me about two hours, when 
Col. Moylan sent for him and his party. Col. Moylan has, 
certainly, reasons for so doing ; but, sir, you know that 
cavalry are the eyes of the infantry ; and without any, my situ- 
ation cannot be very pleasing, being in full view of the enemy's 
whole army." 

Morgan continued at Middletown in observation of the enemy, 
who, having rested for a day or two, proceeded to Sandy Hook, 
and thence embarked for New York. No further opportunity 
having been afforded him for assailing them, he at length broke 
up his quarters, and in obedience to the orders * previously 
received, took up his line of march for New Brunswick. . 

* Head QuARtERS, Brunswick, July Sd, 1778. 
Sir: His Excellency received your favor, dated yesterday, and desires me to request 
that you will join this army immediately on your finding that you can no longer 
do them (the enemy) injury. Should they be on the Hook, it is taken for granted that 
there is no annoying them ; in which case you will march this way. You will be pleased 
to desire Col. Gist to conduct himself in the same manner. 

I am, sir, Ac, 

R. R. Meade, A.D.O. 
Colonel Morgan, at Middletown. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 215 



CHAPTER XII. 

Morgan commands Woodford's brigade— The rifle corps— Operations of the army- 
Letters from Lord Stirling — Correspondence in relation to recruiting service — Letter 
from Lafayette — Movements of the enemy — American army goes into winter quarters — 
Morgan appointed colonel of the 7th Virginia regiment — Operations of the enemy on 
the Hudson — Gen. Woodford resumes his command — Causes operating on Morgan's 
mind, determining him to retire from the service — Letter from Washington — Morgan at 
home — Regret of the army at his retirement — Operations in the South — Gen. Gates 
appointed to the command of the Southern army — His letter to Morgan — Their recon- 
ciliation — Morgan refuses to comply with the demand for his services without an 
increase of rank — Takes the field on hearing the result of the battle of Camden. 

Although the twelve months which succeeded the battle of 
Monmouth were fruitful of most important events, all tending to 
the final triumph of the American cause, they furnished Morgan 
with no opportunity of adding to the laurels which he had pre- 
viously gathered. But the zeal and efficiency which he displayed 
during this time, in a higher sphere of action, contributed largely 
to his reputation as a commander, a.nd proved that he possessed 
capacities superior to those usually required by the partisan. 

A few days after he had eftec-ted a junction of his regiment 
with the main body of the army then encamped at Paramus, he 
was assigned to the command of Woodford's brigade, the general 
having obtained leave of absence on account of ill health. With 
this event terminated Morgan's connection with his gallant rifle 
corps. The occasion of their separation was productive of feelings 
of mutual regret, and displayed in a striking manner the warm 
attachment which existed between them. The career of this 
noble regiment was now drawing to a close. Its loss in battle 



216 THE LIFE OF 

and by sickness had greatly diminished its numbers , and at the 
expiration of the term of service of the survivors, some of them 
enlisted in other regiments, and the remainder returned to their 
homes. From the activity and boldness vv^hich it had invariably 
displayed on every occasion, it was much esteemed by Washing- 
ton, and was not only retained under his immediate command, 
but was also favored with macy privileges not enjoyed by the 
troops of the line. In the severe round of duty which it was 
called on to perform, its valuable services frequently received the 
public acknowledgments and thanks of the commander-in-chief; 
and by the country it was regarded as the elite of the army. No 
regiment of the revolutionary war contributed as largely to the 
success of the cause or to the glory of our arms, as Morgan's 
Rangers. 

Morgan was also held in high regard by the commander-in 
chief, not so much for the warm attachment which that officer 
had invariably displayed towards himself, as for the deep devoted- 
ness to the cause of his country which his conduct had invariably 
evinced. These circumstances, considered in connection wdth the 
address and valor which he had never failed to exhibit in the 
field, and the many important services which he had rendered his 
country during the war, all entiMed him to the enviable position 
which the friendship and confidence of his general assigned him. 

On the 11th July, the long expected French fleet arrived at 
Sandy Hook. This event becoming known to Washington, he 
put himself in communication with the French commander, and 
commenced making such a disposition of his forces as would forward 
his intended combined operations by land and sea against New York. 
Leaving a respectable force, in conjunction with the militia, to occupy 
and guard the various posts along the west branch of the Hudson 
and in New Jersey, he crossed to the eastern side of that river 
with the main body of the army, and encamped at White Plains. 
Among the troops left behind, were the riflemen. Morgan, with 
Woodford's brigade, crossed the river with the main body. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 217 

Here lie remained until the latter part of September. Dm-ing 
this period, the operations of ihe enemy at Rhode Island, and on 
the Hudson, as well as the hostilities of the Indians to the north, 
called for large detachments from the main army, and gave the 
campaign an active and exciting character. Major Posey, with 
the ritlemen, had been sent with the troops under Col. William 
Butler, against the Indians. Two large detachments of the 
enemy had advanced and taken positions some distance above 
New York, on the Hudson. That on the western side, com- 
manded by Cprnwallis, was five thousand strong. A detachment 
from this force surprised and cut to pieces Col. Baylor's regiment 
of dragoons, under circumstances of extreme barbarity. Soon 
after this event, Morgan and his brigade were sent across the 
river to reinforce the troops opposed to the enemy on that side, 
and Lord Stirling was appointed to the command of the whole of 
the forces there. 

About the first of October, the enemy on the Hudson retired 
to New York. This was followed by a general movement of 
Stirling's command to positions in advance of those previously 
occupied by it, and in close proximity to the enemy. Morgan's 
brigade advanced from the neighborhood of Paramus, and took 
post, a detachment at Hackensack, and the main body at Newark 

For some time previously, the enemy at New York had been 
very active in making preparations, the object of which had 
baffled inquiry, and still continued a mystery. As it w^as certain 
that something important was meditated, the commander-in-chief 
took such precautions as would equally guard against danger, 
whether it tended towards the west, the east, or the north.* In 
that part of the theatre of war occupied by Stirling's command, 
numerous and large parties of the troops were employed in 
improving the roads along the different lines of communication, 
in constructing new fortifications, and improving old ones. At 
the &?»:iie time, detachments were constantly kept in advance, to 

*Sparks's Writings of Washington, vol. vi., p. 64. 

10 



218 THE LIFE OF 

gain intelligence of the enemy's movements, while the several 
corps composing the division were so disposed as to be enabled to 
meet any exigency which might arise. 

In the letter of instructions from Lord Stirling to Col. Morgan, 
which follows, we are furnished with a striking illustration of the 
activity which these anticipations of danger induced. 

Elizabethtown, Oct. 28th, 1778. 

Dear Sir: 

In pursuance of the orders I have received from his excellency 
General Washington, you are to march the brigade which you command 
to some situation between the Clove at Saverens, and Pompton ; you will 
take your situation in such a place on or near the present communication 
from Morristown to King's Ferry, as will enable you to guard the Clove ; 
and in case of any invasion of the enemy, to possess and defend it. You 
will send proper parties towards the Hudson river to gain intelligence of 
any movements of the enemy, and keep up a correspondence with Col. 
Spencer, who is at Hackensack. You will detach a captain and forty men 
to Morristown, for the pm'pose of guarding the stores and provisions at 
that place, which are very considerable and of great consequence. You 
will keep two hundred men employed in repairing and improving the 
roads between King's Ferry and Morristown, and dispose of them for that 
purpose as you think to most advantage. The Qr. M. General, Mr. Abeel, 
wiU furnish you with all necessary tools, and, I hope, with some car- 
penters. 

Yours, 

Stirling. 

CoL. Daniel Morgan, Newark. 

On the 20th of October, the British fleet left New Y^ork, and sailed 
for Boston. Soon after arriving in the vicinity of Boston Bay, a 
furious storm drove it to sea again. Having suffered very 
severely, it put into Rhode Island for repairs. D'Estaing seizing 
the moment which favored his escape, left Boston with his fleet, 
and steered for the West Indies. Thus terminated the first essay 
of French co-operation in our struggle for independence.* 

About the first of November, great preparations were made in 

♦Marshall's Washington, vol. i., p. 27L 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 219 

the neighborhood of tlie Highlands, in consequence of a rumor 
which readied Lord Stirling, that the British were about com- 
mencing their long threatened attack in that quarter. Morgan 
had removed his command to a position in the neighborhood 
of Pompton, a strong detachment having been thrown forward 
to guard the important pass called the Clove. He was apprised 
of this expected incursion of the enemy, for which he made due 
preparation. 

In relation to this rumor, the following, among other letters 
from General Lord Stirling, was sent to Morgan for his informa- 
tion : 

Elizabethtown, Jfov. 8, 1T78. 

Dear Sir : I have the highest reason to believe that the enemy have 
projected a secret expedition, which they mean to carry into execution 
very soon, I believe within three or four days ; and as it is not improbable, 
it may be designed for this State, I must request you will put the brigade 
under your command in the best order you can. I have desired Col. 
Spencer to give you the most early inteUigence of any of their motions 
which may come within his knowledge. I am told Gen. Grey, the no /lint 
general, is to command. He will endeavor to act by surprise ; but if we 
can get notice of him, we may make him repent such tricks in his way. 
It will be our plan to attack him as soon as possible, and give him a few 
fires before he gets his flints in again. 

I am, sir, your most ob't servant, 

Stirling. 

Col. Morgan, Pompton. 

If such a design as that indicated by the above letter was 
entertained at this time by the enemy, it was not carried into 
execution, nor did any military event of importance occur, during 
the remainder of the campaign. 

The never-ending, still-beginning business of enlistments now 
engaged the serious attention of Congress, the State governments, 
and the commander-in-chief. As regarded the Virginia troops, 
the government of that State had offered liberal inducements to 



220 THE LIFE OP 

recruit tbeir ranks ; but the result did not realize the expectations 
wliich had been formed in relation to it. The general desire of 
the men to revisit their homes, furnished an insurmountable 
obstacle to their re-enlistment. A considerable number, however, 
professed a willingness to re-engage in the service, after they 
had spent the winter at home, among their triends. In this 
emergency, a plan was suggested by Morgan, which was adopted 
by the commander-in-chief, and which originated an order, 
granting furloughs to all those having a short time to serve, who 
agreed to re-enlist and return to camp the following April. 
The correspondence in relation to this matter follows : — 



GEN, WASHINGTON TO COL. MORGAN. 

Head Quarters, Fredericksburg, Nov. 12, 1778. 

Sir: The enclosed extract of an act of the State of Virginia for 
recruiting the Continental array, was transmitted to me a few days ago by 
his excellency, the governor. 

The bounties and other encouragements offered by this act are so 
liberal, that I hope, if proper exertions are made use of, a number of the 
old soldiers and drafts may be enlisted. You will therefore be pleased to 
have the terras of the act communicated to the officers of your brigade, 
and by them to the men. I have some money, belonging to the State of 
Virginia, in my hands. If any of the men incline to enhst, you may 
assure them of the bounty at a certain day, and send up to me for the 
amount. I have never been made acquainted, notwithstanding the 
directions in the recuiting instructions, whether any progress has been 
made in re-enlisting the drafts upon the bounty of twenty dollars. 

Col. Febiger informs me that the State has sent up a number of waist- 
coats, breeches, shirts, and blankets, to their agents, to be sold out to the 
troops at moderate prices. It will be well to deliver out the two latter 
articles immediately, as the troops are in great want of them. But as 
tliey have just drawn a full supply of waistcoats and breeches from the 
Continent, I would recomraend it to you, not to permit those belonging to 
the State to be sold to the men till they are really wanted, or, if they have 
already drawn those belonging to the State, that the bounty clothes be 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 221 

reserved till wanted, as they are too apt to dispose of anything move than 
what they have in wear, for liquor, or for some trifling consideration. 
I am, sir, your most ob't servant, 

George Washington. 
Col. Morgan, commanding Gen. Woodford^s brigade^ near Pmnpton. 



col. morgan to gen. WASHINGTON. 

POMPTON, Nov. 24, 1778. 

Sir: I send you a return of the men enlisted in Gen. Woodford's 
brigade since the recruiting orders came out. I expect Gen. Woodford' 
forgot to leave orders with me to make returns of this kind, or I should 
have paid particular attention to it. You'll see the number very small ; 
the men are exceedingly backward. For my part, I have used every 
method in my power, and I thought I had a pecuUar turn that way. I 
made use of active sergeants, but to no purpose. Numbers would engage 
if they could get furloughs to go home. And nevertheless the high 
bounty offered, few I fear will enlist without that indulgence. A number 
of them are waiting an ansAver to this. 

I received your excellency's instructions respecting the clothing 
brought on by Col. Febiger, have accordingly divided the shirts, blankets, 
and linen, among the three brigades, that is, proportioned them. The 
jackets and breeches, I purpose sending to Philadelphia, as the rest of the 
Virginia stores are at that place. 

Col. Davis wrote to me to send some of them on to West Point, for the 
draughts, who, he said, were almost naked, but that I could not comply 
with without particular orders. 

We are exceedingly distressed in this place for provender, although the 
place abounds with it. The people are in general disaffected, and are well 
acquainted with an act of this State, that nothing is to be taken from them 
without their consent. 

Sixty-four wagons, with military stores, passed through this place 
yesterday ; they could not get anything for their horses ; they applied to 
rae, but I could get nothing for them. 

I have the honor, &c., 

Daniel Morgan. 

To Gen. Washington. 

At this period, the American army was about moving into win- 



222 THE LIFE OF 

ter quarters. Some time previously, a resolution of Congress 
directed that tlie British prisoners, taken at Saratoga, should be 
removed from Boston to Charlottesville. The prisoners were now 
on the march to the latter place. The subjoined note from 
"Washington to Morgan, in reference to these events, adverts, as 
will be seen, to the suggestion of the latter, in the foregoing 
letter : 

Head Quarters, Fredericksburg, Nov. 25, 1778. 
Dear Sir : You are to remain at Pompton until the rear division of the 
Convention troops has passed Chester, on their route to Sussex Court 
House. You are then to march to Middlebrook, and receive directions 
from the quarter-master general for the position of the brigade under 
your command, in the line of encampment. The regiment sent to 
Hackensack is to remain there, until ordered off or relieved. 
I am, dear sir, your most obedient servant, 

George Washington. 
P.S. — I have received yours of the 24th. When the Virginia brigade 
are all assembled at Middlebrook, I will consider the expediency of grant- 
ing furloughs to those who will re-enlist. 

In due time the following circular was sent, through Colonel 
Morgan, from head-quarters, to the officers commanding the regi- 
ments composing his brigade : 

Head Quarters, Middlebrook, Dec. 14, 1778. 
Sir : As it seems to be the general opinion of the officers in the Virgi- 
nia line, that those men who have but a short time to serve would enlist 
on being indulged with leave of absence until the middle of April next, I 
would have you proceed on that business immediately ; and the better to 
accommodate the matter, it would be well that it should commence 
throughout the line at the same time, and when a sufficient number of 
men are enlisted, to form a body of men worth marching off under proper 
officers. The commanding officer of each regiment will appoint one to 
take charge of such men as he may have enlisted, with instructions to 
march them in good order to the most convenient place, where they may 
be dispersed, and proceed to their respective homes, with positive orders 
to rendezvous at some fixed spot at so early a season as will ensure their 
arrival in camp by the middle of April next. As you are acquainted with 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 223 

the terms of enlistment, it will be unnecessary to repeat them. I shall, 
therefore, only request that every exertion may be used to accomplish so 
desirable an end, and wish your efforts may prove successful. 
I am, sir, your most obedient servant. 

George Washington. 

A few words, in the introduction of a letter from Lafayette to 
Colonel Morgan, written about this time, will not be regarded as 
unnecessary here. The disinterested zeal which "the mar- 
quis " had displayed in the cause of American independence, had 
won him the universal respect and esteem of its assertors. The 
courage and address which he had invariably shown in the field, 
invested him with an interest in the eyes of his commander and 
brother officers, much greater than that enjoyed by any other oflS- 
cer of foreign birth in the service. Having served two campaigns, 
with infinite credit to himself and advantage to the cause, he con- 
sidered the prospect of an European war, which had now become 
apparent, as calling on him to offer his services to his king. But, 
entertaining hopes of being able speedily to return, and proud of 
a service in which he had acquired so exalted a reputation, he 
expressed a desire to be permitted to retain his commission, and to 
obtain an unlimited leave of absence. Congress granted his request, 
and accompanied the permission with an expression of the favorable 
sentiments which that body held regarding him. * He had made 
every preparation for his journey, and was on the road for Bos- 
ton, whence he purposed sailing, when he was suddenly seized 
mth a fever, which was near putting an end to his brilliant 
career. Upon his recovery, he wrote the following letter in 
answer to one from Morgan* : 

* A correspondence between the marquis and Colonel Morgan, was maintained from 
1778 until 1782. Although most of the marquis's letters have been preserved, those from 
Morgan were destroyed, with the rest of the Lafayette papers, when their owner was pro- 
sci-ibed and forced to fly from France, during the early stages of the Revolution in that 
country. This is to be regretted, inasmuch as it is believed that these letters would have 
shod umch additional light on Morgan's revolutionary career, and proved an important 
addition to the materials in the possession of the writer. — See letter of Jfons. G. W, 
LafayeW', E, Appendix. 



224 THE LIFE OF 

FiSHKiLL, JVov. 28, 17T8 

Dear Sir: Your most kind and obliging letter arrived safe into my 
hands ; but I was then too ill for thinking of answering to it. However, 
though it was at that time out of my power to express anything, I did feel 
all the sentiments of gratitude for the friendship and the good idea you 
are pleased to entertain for me. Both are extremely dear to my heart ; 
and I do assure you, my dear sir, that the true regard and esteem, and the 
sincere affection you have inspired to me, will last for ever. 

The strength of youth, and that of a strong constitution, have brought 
me again to health, and to the enjoyments of this world. Dying in 
a shameful bed, after having essayed some more honorable occasions in 
the field, would have been for me, the most cruel disappointment. 

I am just setting out for France, and hope to be there in a short time. 
My country is at war, and I think it my duty to go myself, for offering my 
services to her. However, I am very far from leaving the American ser- 
vice, and I have merely a furlough from Congress, I am much inclined to 
think that the king will have no objections to my returning here : so that 
I am almost convinced that I'll have the pleasure to see you next spring. 

I most earnestly beg you to present my best compliments to the gentle- 
men officers in my division. I shall for all my life feel pleased and proud 
in the idea that I have had the honor of being intrusted with such a divi- 
sion. I anticipate the happiness of finding them next campaign ; and 
I dare flatter myself that these gentlemen will not forget a friend and fellow 
soldier who entertains for them all the sentiments of affection and esteem. 

Farewell, my dear sir, don't forget your friend on the other side of the 
great water, and believe me ever. 

Your affectionate 

Lafayette. 

Col. Morgan. 

On the 3rd of December, the last division of the Convention 
prisoners passed through Chester, on their way to Virginia. 
About the same time, Sir Henry Clinton left New York with 
a considerable land and naval force, and proceeded u]) the Hud- 
son. Intelligence of this movement reached Wasliinofton at 
Elizabethtown, when the general, surprised, if not alarmed, at an 
expedition so unexpected and unreasonable, sent expresses to the 
different commanders of divisions and brigades, communicating 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 225 

the information and giving the necessary directions. On this 
occasion, the following note was addressed to Colonel Morgan : 

Elizabethtown. Dec. Uh, 1778. \ 
10 o'clock, P. M. f 

Colonel Morgan — Dear Sir : I have just received intelligence that 
the enemy have several ships moving up the North river with troops and 
flat-bottomed boats. I don't know what their object is ; but you will hold 
your men collected and well suppHed with ammunition and provisions, to 
act on the earliest order. Your heavy baggage you will send on to the 
camp at Middlebrook. 

I am. Dear Sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 

Geo. Washington. 

There were three objects which might have prompted Sir Henry 
Clinton to such a movement, viz.: a rescue of the Convention 
troops ; a demonstration against the rear of the army ; or a 
surprise of the posts in the Highlands. Circumstances justified 
the belief that the last was his aim, if, indeed, he had any aim of 
consequence.* 

The brigade under Morgan's command was on the march for 
Middlebrook, when the intelligence and orders contained in the 
foregoing note were received by him. The whole army became 
speedily apprised of the movement of the enemy, and the long- 
deferred expectations of decisive measures which had been 
indulged in, revived with double force, again however, to be dis- 
appointed. 

Although the posts in the Highlands had been left in a state 
of security, and in the hands of a good officer, General Mc- 
Donald, the commander-in-chief was nevertheless uneasy, lest a 
disaster might happen in that quarter. He accordingly left Eliz- 
abethtown at 4 o'clock on the morning of the 5th, in the 
direction of the Highlands, and had approached within twelve or 
fifteen miles of Kiiig^s Ferry, when he was met by an express, who 

* Sparks's Writings of "Washington, vol. vi.. p. 181. 

10* 



226 THE LIFE OF 

informed him that the enemy had landed at that place ; and 
that, after having burned two or three log houses, with nine 
barrels of spoiled herrings, they reembarked and returned to New 
York ! In the letter of the commander-in-chief, from which the 
foregoing facts are taken, he indulges in some pleasantries at the 
expense of Sir Henry Clinton. Following the announcement that 
the log houses and the spoiled herrings had been destroyed, he 
remarks : " Thus ended this notable expedition, which was con- 
ducted in the preparation with so much secrecy, that all the flag 
boats to and from the city were stoj^ped, and not a mouse 
permitted to creep within their lines." "^ 

Th only effect which this " extra manoeuvre " had upon the 
American army, was to cause a delay of four days in the arrival, 
at Middlebrook, of the Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania 
troops ; and in the construction of the huts, &c., necessary for 
their accommodation during the winter. In the meantime, the 
ground had been covered with snow. The troops were conse- 
quently forced to work under disadvantages, and amidst incon- 
veiiienros, which, but for this abortive expedition, would have 
been anticipated.! 

The winter of 1*778-9, was one of the most stirring periods of 
the revolutionary war. During this time, the East, the West, the 
North and the South, were each the scene of active operations ; 
while the French and English naval and military forces in the 
West Indies, fiercely contended with varying success for the 
mastery. In the neighborhood of the Amei-ican camp at Middle- 
brook, however, it passed without the occurrence of anything 
remarkable. The British at New York had remained in their 
quarters, and save in the fitting out of several expeditions for dis- 
tant points, and in one or two forays into New Jersey, they 
evinced no signs of activity. The chief business of the com- 
mander-in-chief being to watch the movements of the enemy at 
this point, and to act against them, should they take the field in 

* Sparks's Writings of Washington, vol. vl., p. 181. t Ibid, vol. vi., p. 131. 



GENERAL DANIEL MOKGAN. 227 

his vicinity, he remained quiet in his camp ; ready at any 
moment, however, to put his forces in motion, should occasion 
call for action. 

Morgan remained with his brigade at Middlebrook duiing the 
winter. In the month of March, he was commissioneid by 
Congress as colonel of the Vth Virginia regiment.* 

About the 25th of May, appearances indicated that the enemy 
were preparing for another expedition against the posts in the 
Highlands. The army soon after advanced from Middle- 
brook in the dire(*tion of the quarter threatened. Lord 
Sterling's division, which included Morgan's brigade, left that 
place on the 2nd of June, and passing through Pompton, 
advanced towards Smith's Clove. The other divisions which had 
wintered at Middlebrook, moved in the same direction. 

In the meantime. Sir Henry Clinton, with a formidable fleet, 
and an army of ovei' six thousand men, moved up the Hudson. 
His first object was to take the posts at Stoney Point and 
Verplanck's Point, situate on opposite sides of the Hudson, 
where the Americans had thrown up works to protect King's 

* The United States of America, in Congress Assembled : 

To Daniel Morgan Enquire, Oreeting : 

We, reposing especial trust and confidence in your patriotism, valor, conduct, and 
fidelity, do by these presents constitute and appoint you to be Colonel of the Tth Vir- 
ginia regiment in the army of the United States, to talie rank as such from the 12th day 
of November, A. D. 1776. You are therefore carefully and diligently to discharge the 
duty of colonel, by doing and performing all manner of things thereunto belonging: 
And we do strictly charge and require all officers and soldiers under you command to be 
obedient to your orders as colonel, and you are to observe and follow such orders and 
directions from time to time as you shall receive from this or a future Congress of the 
United States, or committee of Congress for that purpose appointed, a committee of the 
States, or commander-in-chief, for the time being, of the army of the United States, or 
any other your superior oificer, according to the rules and discipline of war. In pursu- 
ance of the trust reposed in you, this commission is to continue in force until revoked 
by this or a future Congress before- mentioned, or a committee of the States. 
Witness, His Excellency, John Jay, Esq., President of the Congress of the United States 

of America, at Philadelphia, the 20th day of March, 1779, and in the third year of 

our independence. John Jay. 

Entered in the War Oflace, and examined by the Board. 

AUeat: P. LovELL, 

Secretary of the Board of War 



228 THE LIFE OF 

Ferry, the main channel of communication between the Middle 
and Eastern States * This was effected. The garrison at Stoney 
Point retired on his approach ; and that at Verplanck's Point 
was forced to surrender. He intended next to endeavor to force 
his way into the Highlands, make himself master of its fortifica- 
tions and strong passes, and thus secure the command of the 
Hudson. But the precautions which the commander-in-chief had 
taken, in concentrating the bulk of his forces in the quarter 
threatened, prevented Sir Henry from putting this part of his 
scheme into execution.f 

Leaving a strong garrison in each of the forts which he had 
taken, Sir Henry returned to New York about the 1st of June. 
Washington soon after removed his head-quarters to New 
Windsor, and distributed his army chiefly in and near the 
Highlands. To guard against any sudden incursion of the 
enemy, he stationed a force on each side of the river, below West 
Point. 

About the middle of June, General Woodford returned to 
the camp, and soon after, resumed the command of his brigade. 

For some time previously to that at which we have arrived, 
many circumstances had combined to lead Morgan's thoughts 
towards home. The considerations which now brought him to 
the resolution of retiring from the army, are worthy of a passing 
notice. 

The very severe service which he experienced in the expedi- 
tion to Quebec, had induced a violent rheumatic affection ; and 
the fatigues and constant exposure to which he had been 
subjected as commander of the rifle corps, had so aggravated his 
malady, as seriously to impair his health. Being of a disposition 
remarkably domestic and affectionate, his long continued separa- 
tions from his family were now becoming more and more the 
sources of disquietude to him. His reflections upon this subject 
were embittered by the fact, that his pay, so far from enabling 

• Sparks's Writings of Washington, vol. i., p. 822. t Ibid., vol. i., p. 823 



GENEKAL DANIEL MOEGAN. 229 

him to add to the means upon which his wife and children sub- 
sisted, was entirely inadequate to the discharge of his personal 
expenses. To meet these expenses, he was constantly drawing- on 
his own private resources, which, in consequence, were gradually 
wasting away. He participated, too, in the dissatisfaction with 
the conduct of Congress, which existed so generally among the 
officers of the army at this time. This feeling originated in the 
belief, that that body was not disposed to make any provision for 
their future wants, and that it would yield nothing to their 
present necessities, beyond what appeared to be indispensable to 
their continuance in the service or to the preservation of the 
army. They felt indignant, besides, at the injustice and partiality 
which it had exhibited in promotions, and particularly at the 
facilities which it had afforded to mihtary adventurers from other 
countries, of stepping over their heads to stations of honor and 
consequence. It too frequently appeared, besides, that the quali- 
fications of a politician or a place hunter, and the possession of 
local influence, presented claims to advancement in the army, 
which proved superior to those furnished by soldierlike qualities 
and important mihtary services. An idea prevailed for some time 
with Congress, that the boasted military skill and experience of 
the foreign officers who applied to it for employment, gave them 
a claim to consideration over those who were identified with the 
country, and the struggle in which it was engaged — whose servi- 
ces were a constant sacrifice to patriotism, and who more than 
compensated for their lac'k of science by their bravery and 
devotedness. Some of these foreign officers undoubtedly deserved 
all the honors which they received; but by far the greater 
number of them had little but assurance wherewith to supply the 
want of merit. To add to the evils with which the delicate busi- 
ness of appointments and promotions was beset at this time, the 
representatives of several States in Congress asserted a claim to 
an equal division of the patronage of this nature which the array 
afforded.* 

♦ Writings of Washington, vol. ill., p. 68, vol. iv., pp. 263, 423-446, vol. vii., pp. 838, 382. 



230 THE LIFE OF 

Other circumstances, more particularly referable to Colonel 
IMorgan, conspired to create an impression in his mind, that he 
had not experienced that advancement to which he thought his 
services, considered with reference to those of others who had 
been more fortunate, entitled him. From the opening of the 
great struggle, he had been an active participator in its stirring 
events. On many important occasions, he had contributed lai'gely 
to the success of the cause and to the glory of our arms, and had 
won for his name a foremost place in the Hst of his country's 
defenders. His achievements during the Canadian campaign 
were without a parallel in the whole course of the war. He 
encountered more perils, privations, and fatigues, while in 
command of the rifle corps, than any other colonel in the service. 
Numberless were the engagements which he had had with 
pickets, advanced parties, and detachments of the enemy ; most 
of which, though now forgotten, and lost to history, called for 
the exercise of much judgment and caution, and involved greater 
personal hazards than those which attend a general engagement. 
In all of these, the enemy could seldom boast of a triumph, and 
wlien such an occasion occurred, it was purchased dearly. His 
numerous exploits won for him the notice and love of his coun- 
trymen, and excited the fear of their enemies ; besides which, 
they elicited from his commanding officers frequent and emphatic 
expressions of approbation. 

Yet, notwithstanding these strong claims upon the favorable 
regard of Congress, his just expectations of promotion were not 
only disappointed, but he was compelled to witness the advance- 
ment over his head, of men who possessed few, if any, of the 
requisites of a soldier, and who, moreover, owed their good fortune 
to considerations foreign to those which should have governed 
Congress in exercising the appointing power. 

But weighty as were these causes of dissatisfaction upon the 
fiery and impulsive mind of Morgan, he would nevertheless have 
continued in the service, had it not been for his broken health 



GENEfiAL DANIEL MOKGAN. ^31 

and impaired fortunes. His organization, moral as well as physi- 
cal, eminently fitted hira for war, and habit united with inclina- 
tion, in making him fond of its toils, privations and dangers. 

He accordingly communicated his intentions to Washington, 
and begged permission to wait on Congress with his resignation. 
Within a short period, a large number of ofiicers had left the 
army, and a growing distaste for the service was manifested 
daily by many of those who remained. Washington was fully 
aware of the causes of this ; and while withholding his counte- 
nance from the consequences, could not deny their justice. His 
numerous letters to Congress on this head will show how strongly 
he urged upon that body the justice as well as the policy of 
removing all grounds of complaint on the part of the army. But 
in the mean time he beheld with deep regret the departure, day 
after day, of numbers of his best officers. He received Morgan's 
announcement of an intention to resign with much concern, and 
for a time endeavored to dissuade him from his purpose. But 
as it was difficult, if not impossible, successfully to resist the 
principal motives which impelled Morgan to this step, a reluctant 
consent was at length obtained, as will be seen by the annexed 
letter from the commander-in-chief to the president of Congress : 

Head Quarters, June 30, 1779. 
To THE President of Congress : 

Sir : Col. Morgan, of the Virginia line, who waits on Congress with his 
resignation, will have the honor of delivering you this. I cannot, in 
justice, avoid mentioning him as a very valuable officer, who has rendered 
a series of important services, and distinguished himself on several 
occasions. 

I am, sir, very respectfully, your ob't servant, 

George Washington. 

In a few days after the receipt of the above letter, Col. Morgan 
reached Philadelphia, and, waiting upon Congress, presented his 
resignation, which was accepted. Without delaying longer in 



232 THE LIFE OF 

this city than was necessary to an adjustment of his accounts, he 
turned his footsteps homeward, and in about a week afterwards 
was once more in the bosom of his family. 

Thus terminated, for a time, Morgan's military career. He 
was destined, however, speedily to reappear upon a wider field of 
action, and to be the directing- genius of an event which was 
unquestionably the most brilliant of the war. 

The succeeding fifteen months were spent by Morgan at his 
residence in Frederick county, and in the pursuits of private life. 
The change from the hardships of the camp to the comforts of 
home, speedily effected a great improvement in his health ; and 
his active mind and industrious habits soon found ample occu- 
pation in removing from his house and far;ii the evidences of 
years of neglect. 

Although no longer an active participant in the operations of 
the war, few, if any, took a greater interest in its progress. He 
maintained a correspondence with his old companions in arms, 
the letters of many of which, written during this period, are still 
in existence. Besides the warm friendship for Morgan, which 
these letters invariably display, they inform us, besides, how 
deeply their authors regretted his retirement, how much they 
sympathized in its causes, and how ardently they wished for his 
return. One illustration of this will suffice. Gen. John Neville, 
then an officer of one of the regiments composing Woodford's 
brigade, closes along letter, dated at •' Haverstraw, Nov. 9, 17*79," 
with a few sentences, indicative of the feelings with which the 
officers of the brigade regarded Morgan : " Then, say they, for 
old Morgan a brigadier, and we would kick the world before us. 
I am not fond of flattery ; but I assure you, on my word, that no 
man's ever leaving the army was more regretted than yours, nor 
no man was ever wished for more to return. We saw a letter the 
other day from his excellency to you, to be forwarded with speed, 
which gave the officers great hope that you were to return 
agreeable to your satisfaction, God send it may be the case." 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 233 

About the time that Morgan retired from the service, the atten- 
tion of the enemy was seriously turned towards the Souih. This 
section of the Union had hitherto been nearly exempt from the 
calamities of war. The desperate state of the enemy's affairs in 
the North required a speedy termination of the struggle, or its 
transfer to a new field of action. From the feebleness of the 
Northern States in population and resources, their conquest was 
considered a matter of easy accomplishment. Such a result 
being regarded as one highly advantageous in itself, and calcu- 
lated to exercise an important influence upon the final issue of the 
war, extensive preparations were made to carry it into effect. 
Although this change of policy must have been extremely humili- 
ating to the British, indicative as it was of an abandonment of 
general for partial results, yet the prize was well worth the 
severe and protracted struggle which was subsequently made to 
obtain it. 

Charleston fell on the 12th of May, 1*780. Upon receiving 
intelligence of this unfortunate event, Congress entered at once 
into the consideration of measures, having for their object the 
vigorous prosecution of the war in the South. Gen. Gates was 
appointed to the command of the southern department. It was 
likewise determined to call out a number of other distinguished 
oflBcers, and among the rest. Col. Morgan. Since the time when 
Gen. Gates relinquished the command at Rhode Island, he had 
not been actively engaged, and the intelligence of his appoint- 
ment reached him at his residence in Virginia. This circumstance 
was the subject of a number of letters to Morgan, the first of 
which is subjoined. 

Travellers' Rest, June 21s#, 1781. 

Dear Sir : I have just received an express from the Board of War, 
enclosing the unanimous resolve of Congress, appointing me to the com- 
mand of the Southern Department. I am also informed that Congress 
had it in contemplation to call Gen. Weedon and yourself into service, and 
to employ you immediately to the southward. I shall set out on Monday 



234 THE LIFE OF 

morning; perhaps I may receive another express before then. I anj 
too ftiuch employed to return your visit ; but if you can come to me before 
I leave home, I shall be glad to inform you of all particulars. 

I am, dear Sir, &c., 

Horatio Gates. 
Col. Morgan. 

A short time previously to the receipt of this letter, the long 
standing difference between Gates and Morgan had been adjusted. 
Upon this occasion, Morgan proudly referred to the important 
services he had rendered during the campaign against Bur- 
goyne, and dwelt with warmth upon the undeserved treatment he 
had experienced. Reminding General Gates of the unkindness 
and injustice of which he had been guilty, Morgan nevertheless 
exhibited a willingness to forgive and forget past injuries ; and 
the overtures of his old friend and general for a reconciliation, 
were met in a generous spirit. 

He had now somewhat recovered his health and strength ; and 
the scent of war in his neighborhood had revived old instincts, 
and excited in hira a strong desire once more to take the field. 
But to the proposition, made to him in the resolution of Congress, 
calling him into the service as a colonel, he refused to listen. 
After what had already occurred, he was led to believe that a call 
of this kind on him would certainly be accompanied by an 
increase of his rank. Independently of the claims which he 
considered he had already earned, touching his promotion to a 
brigadier generalship, there were some peculiarities about the 
service in which he was now called on to engage, which presented 
strong objections to his acceptance of a lower grade. The coun- 
try which was then and thereafter the principal scene of warlike 
■operations, had been divided by the State authorities into military 
districts, to each of which, officers had been appointed. Such 
of tliese officers as ranked Morgan as a colonel, would, in the 
event of his taking the field, subject him to their orders whenever 
he entered their districts.* In ordinary cases, it would be 

* Gov. Rutledge, 17S0. Johnson's Greene, vol. i., p. 412. 



GENEKAL DANIEL MORGAN. 2o5 

expedient to avoid such an awkward contingency. But in that in 
question, where military merit of the higliest order might be 
counteracted and controlled by inexperienced mediocrity, to with- 
hold a remedy which a-t once disembarrassed the public service 
and rewarded individual merit, would be extremely impolitic. 
Yet such was the course pursued by Congress; and in conse- 
qaence, Morgan determined to remain at home. There seemed, 
besides, to be no very pressing need of his services. Gen. Gates, 
whose prospects Avere bright and unclouded at this time, was sur- 
rounded by a host of experienced and able officers. Before three 
months elapsed, however, the justice of pretensions which Con- 
gress neglected or undervalued, found advocates in its apprehen- 
sions and its necessities. 

Morgan was still at hoiTie when the issue of the conflict on the 
bloody and hapless field of Camden became known to him. This 
disastrous intelligence brought better feelings to the surface. He 
recognized the occasion which had now arisen, as one, demanding 
the sacrifice to the public good of every private consideration; 
and he did not resist the silent appeal of his bleeding country. 
Indifferent now, regarding the issue of the numerous and influen- 
tial representations which had been made to Congress, in reference 
to his promotion, and anxious only for an opportunity again to 
serve his country in any capacity, he made the necessary prepara- 
tions, bade adieu to his family, and left his home early in 
September, in the direction of Gen. Gates's head-quarters, then at 
Hillsborough. 



236 THE LIFE OF 



CHAPTER XIII. 

The dispositions and operations of the opposing forces — Morgan joins Gates at Hills* 
borougli — The enemy advances towards North Carolina — Morgan oflfered a command 
in the North Carolina militia — Appointed by Gates to couimand a legionary corps- 
Battle of King's Mountain — Cornwallis retreats to Winnsborough — Morgan appointed 
a brigadier general — Letter from Gen. Gates — Morgan advances to vicinity of the 
enemy — Letter from Col. 0. H. Williams — Destitution of the army — Repulse of Major 
Wemys — Battle of Blackstock House — Capture of Col. Rugely and his command — ■ 
Congress determines to supersede Gen. Gates — Gen. Greene — His arrangements, pre- 
liminary to taking the command of the Southern army — The general prospect — Gen. 
Greene's plan of action — Morgan appointed to a separate command — He marches to the 
west of Broad river — Greene, with the main body, moves to the Pedee — Morgan's 
instructions. 



Before introducing Gen. Morgan once more on the field in 
the South, a glance at the operations then going forward in that 
quarter is called for, from their connection with those which 
succeeded them, and with which he was identified. 

Although by the battle of Camden, the spirit of resistance was 
fearfully disabled, it was not destroyed. While Cornwallis was 
awaiting the arrival of supplies from Charleston, to commence his 
long-contemplated invasion of North Carolina and Virginia, the 
elements of opposition were rapidly re-combining against him. 
The small remains of a regular army which escaped destruction 
at Camden, had assembled at Hillsborough. The militia of North 
Carolina were out in considerable force. Marion, at the head of 
a small body, was moving in the neighborhood of the Santee. 
Sumter had again assembled a respectable force, and was operating 
west of that river. Col. Davie, with a body of volunteer 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 237 

dragoons and mounted riflemen, took post in the Waxhaw 
settlement, and employed himself in watching the movements of 
the enemy. Col. Clark was at the head of a large body of 
Georgia and South Carolina exiles, at this time in the neighbor- 
hood of Augusta. A body of mountaineers, more formidable in 
numbers than any opposed to the enemy in this quarter, and 
composed of the united commands of Cols. Campbell, Cleaveland, 
Williams, Sevier, Shelby, McDowell, and others, was rapidly 
gathering, preparatory to a descent upon the British ports in 
South Carolina and Georgia. 

After the American forces had been driven from South 
Carolina, the British army took post in three divisions near its 
northern boundary, the main body, under Cornwallis, at Camden ; 
Col. Tarleton's legion at Winnsborough ; and Col. Ferguson's 
brigade of Provincial troops, at Ninety-six. 

The required supplies having been at length obtained, these 
divisions sinmltaneously moved from their respective posts early in 
September, with the object of uniting at Charlotte, and thence 
proceeding to the interior of North Carolina. 

This movement was in progress, when Morgan, accompanied 
only by two or three young gentlemen who were anxious to serve 
with him, arrived at Hillsborough. He was warmly received by 
Gen. Gates, who promised, at their first interview, to take imme- 
diate measures to give him employment. 

The regular forces at this point had recently undergone a new 
organization. The infentry had been formed into two battalions, 
constituting one regiment, the command of which devolved upon 
Col. 0. H. Williams and Lieut. Col. Howard ; Majors Hardma'n 
and Anderson commanding the battalions. The artillery corps 
was nearly annihilated at Camden ; the remaining companies of 
the regiment having recently reached Hillsborough, were placed 
under the command of Capt. Sino-leton. Two brass pieces, saved 
from the general wreck at Camden, and four or five iron ones, 
found at Hillsborough, formed a respectable little park of artillery. 



238 THE LtFE OF 

There were, besides, the remnants of Buford's and Porterjfield's 
corps, and a body of raw recruits, the whole numbering about 
350 men, and constituting all of the Virginia line in the field in 
this quarter. The whole of these forces amounted to about 1,400 
men.* 

The advance of Cornwallis towards North Carolina had stimu- 
lated the authorities of that State in taking measures to repel the 
threatened invasion; while the militia were collecting in large 
numbers at Hillsborough, provision was made, not only to equip 
this force for the field, but also to meet in a partial degree 
some of the most pressing needs of the regular army, the chief 
ot which was clothing. The command of the militia had recently 
been conferred on Gen. Smallwood. Morgan was invited,f soon 
after his arrival, to take a command in the same force. Flatter- 
ing as was this mark of the esteem in which he was held by the 
people of North Carolina, he was compelled to decline the 
proftered honor. Gen. Gates had already formed the plan of a 
legionary corps, to be raised out of the ranks of the army, the 
command of which he intended to bestow on Morgan. The 
opportune arrival of the clothing already adverted to, enabled 
Gen. Gates to carry this design at once into effect. From the 
two battalions, four companies of picked men were selected. 
These were formed into a light infantry battalion, the command 
of which was given to Lieut. Col. Howard. To these was added 
a company of riflemen, under Capt. Rose. The remains of Cols. 

* Col. 0. H. Williams' Narrative. 

t The letter in relation to this, is subjoined : 

Hillsborough, Sept 30, 1780. 
Sir: At the request of the assembly, Gen. Smallwood has consented to take thft 
command of the militia of this State, and will set off in a day or two for the back coxintry. 
Tt would give me great pleasure for you to accompany the general. 

Col. Morgan's character as a soldier is weU known in America. I am persuaded your 
presence Avill give spirits to my countrymen. Gen. Smallwood, I expect, will have an 
opportunity of finding employment suitable to a man of your rank and gallantry. 

I am, very respectfully, <fec., 

J. Penh. 
Col. Morgan. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 239 

White's and "Washington's regiments of cavahy, about *70 in 
number, were expected in camp in a few days ; and it was 
arranged, that on their arrival, they should be embodied into one 
corps, under the command of Lieut. Col. Washington, and united 
to the commands of Howard and Eose. Morgan assumed the 
command of this corps about the 1st of October. 

The divisions of the enemy commanded by Cornwallis and 
Tarleton entered Charlotte after a spirited action between their 
advance, composed of Tarleton's legion, and Col. Davie's corps. 
They remained in the neighborhood of this place for some days, 
waiting for the junction of Col. Ferguson. But the career of this 
officer had, in the meantime, met with a fearful termination at 
King's Mountain. A sketch of the memorable battle which was 
fought on this mountain, may be introduced here. 

Col. Clark had been endeavoring to reduce Augusta. The 
effort, although conducted with courage and perseverance, was 
unsuccessful. The post, commanded by Col. Brown, had been 
defended with great vigor ; and upon the approach of reinforce- 
ments to his aid from Ninety-six, Clark raised the siege, and 
retired towards the mountains. While the latter was retreating, 
Ferguson, then on the march for Charlotte, attempted to inter- 
cept him. The line of march now taken by the Provincials, indi- 
cated a design to invade the mountainous districts. This region 
of country, and that north and west of it, were inhabited by a 
race equally distinguished for courage and patriotism. It was, 
moreover, the asylum for the distressed and persecutad exiles 
from Georgia and South Carolina. Imbued with a deep hatred 
of the oppressors of their country, a large proportion of these 
people were at this time preparing, as has been already observed, 
to take the field. But maddened at the prospect of invasion, 
they universally flew to arms ; and when Ferguson approached 
Gilbert-town, he found a force in his front, of not less than three 
thousand mounted riflemen.* 

• Johnson's Greene, vol. i., pp. 803-4. Lee's Memoirs, pp. 108-105. 



240 THE LIFE OF 

Ferguson, astonished, if not dismayed, at the unexpected 
appearance of an opponent every way so formidable, sent to 
Cornwallis for aid, and at once commenced a retreat. He was 
immediately followed by sixteen hundred men, all well mounted, 
and commanded by Col. Campbell, assisted by Cols. Cleaveland, 
Sevier, Shelby, Williams, and Major Chronicle. The remainder 
followed with their utmost speed. Ferguson was overtaken on 
the Vth of October, at King's Mountain. Hopeless of effecting 
his retreat without fighting, he posted his troops on the summit 
of King's Mountain, trusting to be able to make good his position 
until the expected reinforcements should reach him. Campbell, 
►divining the object of his opponent, -at once commenced the 
attack. He divided his forces into three bodies ; one he led him- 
self ; the next was headed by Col. Shelby, and the other by Col. 
Cleaveland. After a severe conflict of an hour, during which the 
enemy, assailed on every side, found the bayonet ineftectua'i 
against the rifle, Ferguson fell, and all that remained of his com- 
mand at once surrendered. The loss of the British was one 
hundred and fifty killed, and a like number wounded ; while that 
of the Americans did not exceed ten killed and forty wounded. 
Including the British wounded, eleven hundred and ten men fell 
into the hands of the victors, besides fifteen hundred stand of 
arms. The American loss was rendered peculiarly distressing by 
the death of Col. Williams, an officer who had greatly distinguished 
himself in opposing the re-establishment of British authority in 
the South. Major Chronicle, another distinguished officer and 
patriot, also fell. Immediately after the action, ten of the 
prisoners were hung, partly in retaliation for the recent execution 
of a number of Ameri(5ans by the British, and partly because the 
men who suffered had been guilty of murders and other heinous 
crimes, punishable by the laws with death.* 

This was the first decisive blow which the enemy had experi- 
enced during their operations in the South, 

* Lee's Memoirs, pp. 103-105. Johnson's Greene, vol. i,, pp. 805-SOT. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 241 

The news of the battle of King's Mountain reached Cornwallis 
while on his march from Charlotte to Salisbury. This event, at 
once so unexpected and disastrous, effected a complete change in 
his views. The force thus destroyed constituted more than one- 
third of his active army, while the death of Ferguson greatly 
diminished his hopes of recruiting his ranks from the loyalists in 
that quarter, among whom that officer had exercised great influ- 
ence. The accounts which accompanied these doleful tidings, 
greatly magnified the very large force of mountaineers that 
really were in arms, and aroused his fears, not only for the safety 
of the posts in his rear, constantly menaced by Marion, Sumter, 
Davie, and other partisan officers, but even for the security of his 
army, now apparently threatened by such superior numbers. 
These considerations determined him to defer his movement into 
North Carolina, until his army could be reiuforced. 

At this time. Gen. Leslie, with three thousand men, was at 
Portsmouth. Having sent directions to this officer to embark his 
troops and sail for Charleston without delay, Cornwallis com- 
menced a retroo^rade movement on the 14th, and crossinof the 
Catawba, took post at Winnsborough on the 29th of October.* 

The success which, until very recently, had uniformly attended 
the efforts of the British, in the Southern States, encouraged Sir 
Henry Clinton with hopes tliat he would be eventually enabled to 
separate these States from the Confederacy, and re-unite them to 
the British realm. Regarding this as an object of the very high- 
est importance, he spared no exertions and even ran some hazards 
to strengthen his forces in that quarter. On the 6th of October, 
Leslie, with three thousand men, was dispatched southward. 
Believing that Cornwallis was advancing without opposition 
through North Carolina, Sir Henry Clinton directed Leslie to 
land in the lower part of Virginia, at some point favorable to a 
co-operation with the former, whose orders he was directed to 
obey. Entering James river, Leslie landed his troops, and took 

* Tarleton's Campaign, pp. 166-170. 
11 



242 THE LIFE OF 

possession of the country on the south side, as high as Suffolk. 
After a short time, he drew in his outposts, and began to fortify 
Portsmouth. He was at. this place when the orders already men- 
tioned, for his embarkation for Charleston, reached him.* 

Winnsborough, the point selected by Cornwallis for his encamp- 
ment, was nearly midway between Camden and Ninety-six, his 
two principal posts in the northern part of the State, and was 
moreover, the centre of a populous and fruitful district. Here he 
desired to remain, until the arrival of Leslie could \enable him to 
resume his operations against North Carolina and Virginia. 
Although the postponement of these operations was, it is certain, 
mainly owing to the large American force in the field, this cir- 
cumstance seems to have given him no fears for the possession of 
South Carolina. A considerable proportion of his army, which 
amounted in all to more than four thousand men, was distributed 
in such a manner as to observe the whole frontier of the State, 
and to guard the interior against revolt. The main body at 
Winnsborough w^as in a favorable position for guarding his princi- 
pal posts and checking his opponents, as well as for prosecuting 
his plans of future conquest, when he should have received the 
coming reinforcements. 

The news of the battle, and of the subsequent retreat of Corn- 
wallis, had a most cheering effect upon the Americans. Their 
forces immediately pressed forward. The militia under Gen. 
Smallwood, Morgan and his command, and Col. Davie's corps soon 
after concentrated at New Providence. The main body of the 
Continental troops left Hillsborough about the same time, and 
marched towards Salisbury. 

A few days before the army left Hillsborough, General Gates 
was advised of the promotion of Gen. Morgan. The representa- 
tions with this object had been so numerous and influential, and 
the reasons in its favor so cogent, that at length. Congress acted 
in the premises, and on the 13th of October, appointed him to 

* Tarleton's Campaign, pp. 166-170. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 243 

the rank of a brigadier general.* The commission, with the 
resokition of Congress, and the letter of President Huntington, 
were forwarded to Gen. Gates, who, upon receiving them, addressed 
Moro;an the followino" letter : 

Hillsborough, Oct. 27, 1780. 
Dear General: 

Enclosed, I send you the resolve of Congress, appointing you a briga- 
dier general, in the army of the United States, of which I sincerely wish 
you joy. Your commission is in my hands, which I reserve to send by 
the first troops that march, as this conveyance may not be altogether so 
safe. The disappointments and delays by the Board of War, in supplying 
the wagons necessary for our march, have been amazing ; but I think they 
cannot now defer it beyond to-morrow. 

I am, dear general. 
Yours, affectionately, 
Horatio Gates. 
Gen. Morgan. 

The gratification which this announcement created in Morgan's 
breast, must have been greatly increased by the consciousness 

*IN CONGRESS. 

October ISth, 1780. 
Congress took into consideration the report of the Board of War, respecting the promo- 
tdon of Col. Morgan, and it appearing from the letters of Governors Jeflfei-son and Rut- 
ledge, and of Major General Gates, that Col. Morgan's promotion to the rank of a 
Brigadier General will remove several embarrassments which impede the public service in 
the Southern Department, and that it will otherwise greatly advance the said service, 

Resolved^ Therefore, that Colonel Daniel Morgan be, and hereby is, appointed to the 
rank of Brigadier General, in the army of the United States. 

Extract from the Minutes, Charleis Thomson, Sec. 

Philadelphia, Oct. 14t7i, 1780. 
Sir : Congress have been pleased to appoint you a Brigadier General, in the army of 
the United States of America, 

I have now the pleasure and satisfaction herewith to enclose your commission, conform- 
able to that appointment. 

I have the honor to be, 

With esteem and respect. 

Your obedient servant, 

Samuel Huntington. 
Bb. Gen. Morgan. Fre», 



24-i THE LIFE OF 

tliat the honor was earned by services past, and by the expecta- 
tion of services to be performed. He felt a laudable pride in" the 
conviction, that he was indebted for his promotion to none of 
those sinister influences, which but too frequently, during these 
times, misdirected the appointing power, and enabled the unde- 
serving to obtain high rank in the army. Among the congratu- 
lations which poured in on him from all sides, those from 
his brother officers, and they were numerous, were particularly 
grateful to his feelings. They were the best qualified to estimate 
his merits, and they would be the last to compliment him on an 
undeserved honor. 

In pursuance of directions from Gen. Smallwood, Morgan, now 
brigadier general, advanced to the vicinity of Clermont. Having 
been joined some days before, by Lieut. Col. Howard and the 
cavalry, the corps was now in readiness for any enterprise which 
fortune, or the incautiousness of the enemy, might afford them. 

While in this quarter, Morgan received a number of letters 
from his brother oflBcers in the main army. The occasional intro- 
duction of a few of these will serve to diversify the narrative, and 
at the same time furnish important links to the chain of events 
which marked the times. The annexed was written by Col. O. 
H. Williams, at the time adjutant general of the Soutliern army. 

Camp Hillsborough, 81st Oct., 1780. 

Dear Sir : We have been under marching orders ten days. I behove 
wc shall actually move to-morrow. The reports of the enemy's landing in 
Virginia have detained us two days. The general has been in some 
suspense ; however, I believe he is now determined to move westward. 
The enemy are actually in possession of Portsmouth, and the reports say 
they are from three thousand to five thousand in number — but this we are 
not clear in. 

What do you think of the damnable doings of that diabolical dog 
Arnold ? I have not an idea of a punishment adequate to the enormity 
of his crime. Andre suffered like a hero, and was really an object of 
admiration. In the full career of glory, twenty-eight years of age, major 
in the British army, adjutant-general in America, heir to a lar^e estate, of 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 245 

a good family, master of a fine education, and endowed with superior 
abilities. His address only failed him in an enterprise in which few excel, 
but many cut a distinguished figure. If he deserved hanging, Arnold will 
be damned, according to the opinions I have of degrees of punishment. 

Perusing your obliging letter about the third time, I accidentally turned 
the first leaf, on which you had signed "Daniel Morgan," and I found your 
N. B. just in time. The committee had closed their proceedings, and 
almost the blue ells were gone. No such stuff" was left in store. I have 
secured eight yards of the lining for you, and have two pairs of socks of 
my own — you shall go halves. 

I thank Col. Howard for his letter of the 23d of October — the deserters 
he mentions have not joined us. My best compliments to him and all the 
gentlemen of the light infantry. If you are with Gen. Smallwood, 
present me to him and family. To-morrow we leave this dirty, disagreeable 
hole, Hillsborough. Adieu. 

Yours, sincerely, 

0. H. Williams. 

P. S. — Pardon me — I must be permitted to congratulate you on the 
justice Congress have been pleased to do you in your appointment. 
Pardon me, I say, for making my best compUments by way of P. S. 

Otho. 

Brig. Gen. Morgan. 



An amusing instance of the straits to whicli even officers high 
in rank were put, at this time, is furnished in the foregoing. 
There is no room for any feelings but sorrow and pity, in contem- 
plating the sufferings then experienced by the army, in conse- 
quence of its general destitution. Winter had set in with 
constant and drenching rains ; yet the greater part of the men 
were without anything worthy the name of clothing ; and tents, 
and many other things usually considered among the necessaries 
of an army, they had not. Although Morgan's command had 
received a tolerable supply of clothing — an indispensable prelimi- 
nary to its taking the held — it was yet to be furnished with tents, 
wagons, and other articles of field equipage. It was thrown upon 
its own resources entirely for support; and seldom enjoyed the 
much valued ration of rum. For some time after this corps took 



246 THE LIFE OF 

the field, it had no shelter from the storm, no covering in repose, 
beyond (hose afforded by the branches of a tree, or the leeward 
side of a hill. 

The tianquillity of Cornwallis was greatly disturbed by the 
operations of Maiion and Sumter. He accordingly took measures 
which aimed at their destruction. Marion beat up the country 
between the Pedee and Santee rivers, and besides intimidating 
the loyalists and encouraging the whigs, seriously threatened the 
communications between Charleston and Camden. Sumter 
ranged through the district west of the Santee; and being now 
at the head of a large force, menaced Ninety-six and Augusta. Col. 
Tarleton and his legion were sent against Marion ; while Major 
Wemys, with a regiment of infantry and a troop of cavalry, was 
dispatched after Sumter. 

Mai'ion, on the approach of danger, retired to the swamps in his 
neighborhood. From an unavailing pursuit of this officer, 
Tarleton was hastily recalled, to make amends for the discomfiture 
which Sumter had in the meantime inflicted on Wemys. This 
officer left Winnsborough in the evening, and reached the 
outskirts of Sumter's camp before daylight the next morning, 
Sumter had profited by the severe lesson he received in the pre- 
vious August ; and reckoning upon an attempt at surprise, was 
fully prepared to meet it. A strong advanced guard, commanded 
by Col. Taylor, met the enemy ; and after an animated contest, 
the British were driven from the field, leaving behind them thirty 
killed and wounded. Among the latter was Major Wemys, who 
was found on the ground the next morning, severely wounded, 
having received a ball through both thighs.'* 

After this affair, Sumter, in concert with Colonels Clark and 
Banner, made preparations for a descent on Ninety-six, when he 
was api)rised by a deserter, of the approach of Tarleton, with a 
powerful force. Sumter immediately retraced his steps ; but 
in a short time his adversary was close upon him. Crossing the 

* Johnson's Greene, vol. i., pp. 316, 317. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 247 

Ennoree, Sumter pushed on towards the Tyger river. On his 
arrival at Black Stock House, on the banks of that stream, 
he prepared for battle. Tarleton, apprehending that Sumf6r 
would exert himself to escape, pressed forward with about four 
hundred cavalry and mounted infantry, leaving three hundred 
more, including his artillery, to follow as fast as they could. On 
coming in sight of the American forces, he posted his men on an 
eminence opposite to their position, with the intention of 
awaiting the arrival of the remainder of his command, before he 
took any further steps. But Sumter, aware of the divided state 
of the enemy, promptly seized the moment most favorable for 
attacking them. A warm action ensued; but the British at 
length fled the field, leaving behind them no less than ninety-two 
killed and one hundred wounded.* 

In this action, Sumter received a severe wound in the breast, 
which perhaps prevented him from realizing still more decided 
advantages from the victory he had gained. It certainly deprived 
his country of his valuable services for some months after. 
Having buried the dead, and ministered to the necessities of the 
wounded, including those of the enemy, who were all left on the 
field, the victors crossed the Tyge/, and retreated towards the 
mountains. Dispersing a few days after, to re-unite again when 
a favorable opportunity for action oftered, these gallant spirits 
i-^tired to their homes — all but a small party, who escorted their 
wounded commander to a place of security, in the interior of 
North Carolina.! 

A short time prior to these cheering events, another, equally 
gratifying, occurred, in which the cavalry of Morgan's command 
was engaged. This was the affair of Rugely's farm, in which the 
redoubtable colonel " of that ilk " was so cruelly circumvented. 
The movement which led to the capture of this officer and his 
command, originated in objects of more importance. The loyal- 

♦Lee's Memoirs, pp. 113-114; Johnson's Greene, vol. i., i^p. 31S-321. 
t Ibidem. 



248 THE LIFE OF 

ists in the neighborhood of Lynch's Creek and the Waxhaw set- 
tlements, were meditating a general removal of their families and 
property, to Camden. To prevent this, Col. Davie had t.^een 
dispatched to that quarter. But, under the protection of a 'r,K>dy 
of four hundred British and loyalists, sent from Camden, for the 
purpose, the tory inhabitants began to remove, and to carry with 
them, not only their own effects, but those of the whigs in their 
neighborhood. Davie's force being too weak to perform the duty 
upon which it was sent, in the face of the British covering party, 
Morgan was dispatched with his corps, towards Hangnig Rock, 
the place where the British were posted, with directions to attack 
them, and to intercept the removal of property to Camden. 

Morgan accordingly advanced with his whole command, to the 
neighborhood of Hanging Rock. But the British detachment 
had been apprised of its danger, and made a timely retreat to 
Camden. During the march, the cavalry scoured the country to 
the right and the left, and in advance of the infantry; but saving 
a few inconsiderable captures, and the collection of forage, 
nothing was effected. Morgan was about retracing his steps, 
when he was informed that a considerable body of loyalists and 
some British troops were then assembled at a farm called 
Clermont, the property of a tory named Rugely. He likewise 
learned that the object of this collection was to facilitate 
recruiting among the disaffected in the neighborhood, that 
something more than nominal effect might be given to Colonel 
Rugely's new commission. Morgan felt a strong desire to uproot 
this nest of tories ; but as it was within ten miles of Camden, 
and still nearer to a strong outpost of the British army, to 
approach it with his infantry was deemed too hazardous. Col. 
Washington was, however, sent with his cavalry to reconnoitre 
the enemy, and received permission to avail himself of a fair 
opportunity of capturing or dispersing them. 

Col. Rugely, learning that an enemy Avas approaching, took 
post with his men in a large log building, around which h*id 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 249 

been constructed an entrenchment and a line of abatis. Confi- 
dent in bis ability to defend himself against a troop or two of 
horse, or any other description of force unaccompanied by artillery, 
he calmly prepared; himself for the expected attack. On coming 
in sight of the place, Washington immediately discovered that 
nothing could be eftected against it by surprise, and moreover, 
that it was easily defended against a force such as that he com- 
manded. But reckoning on the inexperience of his adversary, he 
hit upon an expedient for arousing Rugely's fears, which was 
crowned with success. Having prepared the trunk of a small 
pine tree into some sort of resemblance to a cannon, and mounted 
it upon the wheels of a wagon, he made a disposition of his 
forces, as if preparing for a cannonade, and then sent a corporal 
of dragoons with a flag, to the fort, to summon its commanding 
officer to an immediate surrender. The gravity with which the 
farce was enacted, from the levelling of the pine cannon to the 
solemn summons of the corporal, confirmed the imposition on the 
mind of Col. Rugely, who instantly complied with the summons. 
In a few minutes after, himself and his garrison of about one 
hundred men, marched out of the barn, prisoners of war. 

The extent to which Col. Rugely was outgeneralled in this 
afiair, may be comprehended from the fact, that on the ludi- 
crous circumstances of his capture being communicated to Corn- 
wallis, the latter introduced a letter on the subject, with the 
declaration : " Rugely will not be made a brigadier !" * 



* Rugely was subsequently paroled to Charleston. His application to this end was 
made the subject of the following letter from Morgan to Greene, by which it would 
appear that he was held in as little respect as a military man, by his enemies, as he was 
by liis friends. 

New Providence, 5th Jfov., 1780. 
Sir : Colonel Rugely will apply for a parole to go to Charleston. I believe he may 
be uepended on, but when they get him there I fear they won't be anxious to exchange 
him, as tliey won't, after this, look upon him as a great military character. Col. Isaacs, 
who has been a very active man in the State of North Carolina, is now a prisoner, anej 
is sent up to St. Augustine. If a partial exchangi could be effected, Ruge)y for Isaacs 

11* 



250 THE LIFE OP 

After burning the log house, and collecting a quantity of pro- 
visions and forage found at the place, Washington returned With 
his prisoners to rejoin Morgan. The latter soon after took up his 
line of march for the neighborhood of New Providence. Here 
he was informed that Gen. Gates had given orders for the differ- 
ent detachments to march to Charlotte ; and that General Greene 
had recently arrived at that place, and had assumed the 
command of the army. 

The introduction of this distinguished officer to the reader as 
the future general of the Southern army, calls for a brief review 
of the circumstances which led to his appointment to this 
command. 

The high hopes entertained by Congress and the nation, at the 
opening of this campaign, that the conquerer of the North would 
gather fresh laurels in the South, were crushed by the disastrous 
issue of the battle near Camden. With this event, the confidence 
so generally reposed in his abilities was succeeded by distrust; 
and although the prudence and perseverance which he sul)se- 
quenlly displayed contrasted favorably with his previous course, 
and gave promise of better results for the future, it soon became 
apparent that his reputation had suffered an incurable wound. 

A belief that his fame was unsupported by any distinguishing 
marks of soldiership, and that it was indebted for its existence to a 
fortunate combination of circumstances, had long prevailed to a 
great extent among the officers of the army. This belief, when 
considered in connection with his known participation in the 
intrigues of Conway and others against the commander-in-chief, 
needed not the confirmation afforded by his recent misfortunes, to 
render him exceedingly unpopular with this patriotic and influen- 
tial class. 

it would give a great deal of happiness in relieving a friend of mine, and a sincere friend 
to his country. Col. Martin, of the Board of War, can give you his character. 
I have the honor to be your obedient servant, 

Daniel Moegan, 
Major General Greene. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 251 

Exhausted as were the resources of the country, the utmost 
exertions of Congress were yet unproductive of means adequate to 
the fearful emergency which had arisen ; and its hopes of success 
depended ahuost entirely upon the zealous cooperation of the 
militia. In ordinary cases, the citizen soldier was slow to join' 
the standard of an unworthy or an unpopular oflicer. But when, 
as in the present case, the impulses of patriotism were barely able 
to overcome the suggestions of prudence, and when despair of the 
cause was spreading far and wide, to look for his appearance 
under a leader whom he regarded as having forfeited all claims 
upon his confidence, was to indulge in expectations at war with 
all experience. 

The destruction of a fine army, and the subjugation of two 
States of the confederacy, under circumstances as yet unexplained, 
should not, it was thought, be permitted to pass without inquiry. 
A proper regard for the interests of the confederacy, a decent 
respect for public sentiment, and justice to the unfortunate gen- 
eral himself — all concurred in demanding an investigation. 

An examination of the circumstances which preceded the 
defeat of the army under General Gates, unavoidably led to con- 
clusions unfavorable to his judgment and prudence, and sug- 
gested, among other measures necessary to be taken in the 
creation of a new army, his removal from command in the South. 
Fearful consequences were expected to ensue, unless the feeble 
means of resistance about being put forth were confided to a suc- 
cessor, whose past services gave him an undoubted claim to 
public confidence, and who was capable of reassuring the people, 
and of terminating, at their head, the enemy's career of triumph. 

Although' these and other considerations called imperatively 
for the supersedure of General Gates, Congress, entertaining a 
high respect for bis private worth, and a gratefid recollection of 
his former services, deferred a compliance. It was hoped that 
time might yet enable the aged warrior to retrieve his character, 
and by a fortunate stroke, reestablish himself in public favor. 
But although three months had nearly elapsed, no such opportu- 



252 THELIFEOF 

nity occurred ; and the period for action being at hand, further 
delay was attended with too much danger to be permitted. A 
resokition was accordingly adopted by Congress, on the 5th of 
November, ordering a court of inquiry to be held on the conduct 
of Gen. Gates as commander of the Southern department, and 
moreover, directing the commander-in-chief to appoint some 
other officer to command that department during the inquiry. 
Thus at length the blow was struck. Though justice might have 
hesitated in pronouncing this sentence, policy demanded the sac- 
rifice. 

Gen. Gates, although unapprised of the intention to supersede 
him until late in November, seems to have anticipated such a 
step witH indifference, if not with pleasure. In a letter to 
Morgan, dated the 13th of that month, he observes: "I hear by 
report that I am to be recalled, and that General Greene is to 
succeed to the command of the Southern department. But of 
this I have not the smallest intimation from Congress, which, I 
conceive, would have been the case, had the business been finally 
settled. I think exactly as you do in regard to the command, 
and am impatient for the arrival of General Greene." 

A few days after this letter was written, the resolution of 
Congress already referred to, reached him at SaHsbury. The 
unpleasant intelligence conveyed by this communication, served, 
to all appearances, only to stimulate his exertions in the public 
service. His efforts to establish magazines and collect supplies, 
as well as to organize his forces, regular and militia, were indefa- 
tigal)le, and in some degree successful. The movements of the 
enemy were watched with sleepless vigilance, and his precaution- 
ary measures against them were indicative of intelligence and 
zeal. Upon learning that Cornwallis w^as collecting his forces in 
the neighborhood of Camden, he broke up his camp at Salisbury, 
and marching to Charlotte, sent directions to his advanced 
detachments to concentrate at that place, with the determination 
of opposing the enemy, should they advance upon him. 

These operations were going: forward, when General Greene 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 253 

arrived in the American camp. This officer, who had served 
with great distinction from the commencement of the war, and 
had won for himself an enviable position in the estimation of 
Congress and the country, was selected by the commander-in- 
chief to succeed Gen. Gates. Reluctantly accepting the honora- 
ble, but responsible command, he received his instructions, and 
on the 23d of November, accompanied by General the Baron 
Steuben and his aids, Major Burnett, and Colonel Morris, 
commenced his journey for the South.* 

The route which General Greene had marked out for himself, 
ran through Philadelphia and the seats of government of Dela- 
ware, Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina. At each of these 
places he stopped a short time to make his requisitions, and to 
ascertain the extent to which it was probable they would be 
complied with. To arouse the authorities to a just sense of their 
danger, and to convince them of the necessity of providing 
means for the increase and support of his army, he addressed 
them respectively with a force and earnestness, well calculated to 
produce the desired results. These letters, besides exhibiting that 
vigor of thought and felicity of expression which characterize all 
Gen. Greene's epistolary remains, were marked by a judicious 
application of their subject to the peculiar circumstances of each 
State. In all of them, however, the main features of his subject 
stood prominently forth, and were considered in terms substan- 
tially the same. Referring to the great strength and known 
objects of the enemy, and picturing in vivid colors the conse- 
quences which would follow their success, he frankly declared his 
inability to resist them, unless the assistance demanded was 
promptly given. These letters, which reflect no little credit on 
their author's mental resources, were followed by good results ; 
and perhaps the subsequent successes of his sword are attributa- 
ble, in some degree, to the previous achievements of his pen. 

All that Gen. Greene obtained at Philadelphia, beyond promi* 

♦Johnson's Greene, vol. i., p. 882. 



254 THE LIFE OF 

ses, was tlie annexation of Maryland and Delaware, with the 
troops belonging to those States, to the Southern department, and 
a small supply of cash, to defray his personal expenses. Leaving 
Col. Febriger at this place to take charge of the promised 
supplies, he pushed on to Delaware, and thence to Maryland. 
Having made his requisitions on these States, and appointed Gen- 
erals Gist and Smallwood to superintend the organization and 
forwarding of the troops to be raised, he proceeded to the 
capital of Virginia. This State, being the first in population, 
wealth, and resources, among her sisters in the South, and being 
second to none in the confederacy in her zeal for independence, 
and in the amount of sacrifices she had made for its maintenance, 
was that on which the intention of the enemy centered, and 
against which, all their efforts had ultimate reference. The lib- 
erality with which this State had contributed to carry on the 
war, when united to the losses she had incurred from unsalable 
products, the suspension of trade, and the ravaging hand of 
invasion, had exhausted her resources ; and at this time, so far 
from being able to contribute her quota to the ranks of the 
Southern army, she was unable to repel the enemy, who were 
even at the moment establishing themselves on the soil. But 
although her means were gone, her spirit of resistance had expe- 
rienced no diminution ; and while almost all her remaining ener- 
gies were combining to confine Leslie to the seaboard. General 
Greene's arrangements indicated a determination to make a 
grand rally on her southern frontier, should the enemy so far 
prevail against him. He established a number of magazines and 
laboratories at diff'erent points, judiciously chosen, and made 
extensive arrangements for the speedy deposit therein of a large 
supply of stores and provisions. He set on foot a quarter- 
master's department, placing at its head Colonel Carrington, who 
at once entered zealously into the business of obtaining a supply 
of wagons, tents, and other necessaries. Measures were taken 
for a thorough examination of the Dan, Yadkin, Catawba, and 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 255 

other rivers of North and South Carolina, with an eye to future 
military operations ; and orders were given for the construction 
of a number of boats to be placed on these rivers for the 
transportation of troops and stores, as occasion might require. 
Conferring the command in this State on Baron Steuben, who 
was directed to facilitate the raising and forwarding of supplies 
and reinforcements. General Greene resumed his journey, and in 
a few days reached Hillsborough. More apprehensive of Leslie 
than of Cornwallis, the authorities of North Carolina had 
recently left Hillsborough and reassembled at Halifax. But the 
imminent danger which threatened the State on all sides, had 
thoroughly aroused its government and people ; vigorous efforts 
had therefore been made to increase the means of resistance. 
The same causes which produced a removal of the authorities of 
this State, had directed a large proportion of its militia towards 
the eastern frontier. Having informed the governor that ample 
provision had been made in Virginia, for the employment of the 
enemy in that quarter, and urged the assemblage of the militia in 
the quarter threatened by Cornwallis, General Greene resumed 
his journey, now rapidly drawing to a close. On the 2nd of 
December, he arrived at the American camp at Charlotte, and on 
the 4th, assumed the command of the army.* 

A manly resignation marked the conduct of General Gates, 
upon the arrival of his successor, whom he received at head- 
quarters with that liberal and gentlemanly air which was so 
habitual to him. General Greene observed a plain, but respectful 
demeanor, neither betraying compassion nor the want of it. He 
was announced to the army as its future commander, on the 
morning of the 4th, by General Gates. On the same day, Gen- 
eral Greene paid his predecessor the compliment of confirming 
all his standing orders.f 

To the intimation that a court of inquiry had been ordered to 
convene and take into consideration his conduct as commander of 

* Johnson's Greene, pp. 382-S38. t Col. 0. H. Williams. 



256 THE LIFE OF 

tlie Southern army, Gen. Gates responded by expressing his 
willingness to proceed to an immediate investigation. But the 
principles on which the court was to be constituted, rendered this 
impracticable. It would have been, besides, unjust and cruel, 
under existing circumstances. Gen. Gates had yet to learn the 
recent death of a much-loved son, his grief for whom would, for 
a time, naturally absorb all other considerations, and render him 
incapable of an efficient defence. The inquiry was therefore 
necessarily deferred ; and Gen. Gates, after a few days spent in 
familiarizing Gen. Greene with the details of his command, bade 
adieu to the camp, and returned to his residence in Virginia. 

This part of our subject will close with the remark, that Gen. 
Gates was spared the mortification of an inquiry. The resolution 
with this object was subsequently rescinded by Congress, and the 
general restored to his rank in the army.* 

The situation of affairs in the South when Gen. Greene took the 
command, was lamentable in the exti'eme. A mind less deter- 
mined, less fertile in resources, than that possessed by this 
commander, would have shrunk from the fearful task he assumed. 
The Slates of South Carolina and Georgia were in the possession 
of the enemy. Virginia and North Carolina were invaded, and 
threatened with a similar fate. The State governments of Georgia 
and South Carolina had only a titular existence. The large 
bodies of militia which North Carolina had injudiciously kept in 
the field, served only to impoverish the country and exhaust the 
resources of the government, without yielding any benefit in 
return. From this cause, and the divisions of public sentiment, 
it at length became difficult to assemble even militia, and quite 
impossible to raise the State's quota of 500 men to the continental 
line. The condition of affairs in Virginia has already been 
noticed. Bereft of almost every resource but the firm hearts and 
stout arms of her sons, this State was unprepared to resist the 
danger which stood on her threshold, and could add but little to 
the strength of the Southern army. 

* Col. 0. H. Williams. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 257 

The aspect of the country around Gen. Greene was not more 
encouraging. The predatory war which had hitherto been prose- 
cuted in the Carolinas, had banished industry as well as the hopes 
^vhich nerve the arm of labor. The fields not visited by the 
despoiler, of one party or the other, were those onlv from which 
nothing was to be gleaned. The general demoralization which 
naturally followed, was incalculably increased by the rancor of 
party feeling. A large proportion of the people were attached 
to the British rule ; but much the greater number were the 
friends of independence. Many of these two parties, which were 
known by the names of whig and tory, took an active part in the 
war ; and their animosity to each other constantly displayed 
itself with little less than savage fury. As one act of cruelty 
generally originates another, in the frequent encounters of these 
partisans, the claims of mercy were seldom regarded ; while 
murders, robberies, and burnings were daily committed, under the 
sanction which war so commonly affords to crime. The whigs, 
actuated by a love of country, and a desire of independence from 
European control, stimulated, perhaps, by personal losses and 
wrongs, were only sustained in their eflforts by the hopes of an 
ultimate triumph ; and, in pursuit of this, they endured every 
privation, and made every sacrifice. The tories, encouraged and 
protected by the British, and sharing largely in the money so 
lavishly expended by the latter, took the field in numbers, and 
fought with a constancy and a courage that would have done 
honor to a better cause. Up to this period, some three thousand 
of these loyalists had been raised and brought to a state of 
efficiency little inferior to that of the British regulars. 

The army under Cornwallis, strong in numbers, and complete 
in all its equipments, was awaiting only the arrival of Gen. Leslie's 
reinforcement to prosecute to a completion the threatened subju- 
gation of the South. The strength of this army has never been 
accurately ascertained. But there is abundant evidence to show 
that it was not less than 4,000 men. These, rendered confident 



258 THE LIFE OF 

from the success which had hitherto attended them, were eager 
for the opening of the campaign. 

To meet an emergency attended by such discouraging circum- 
stances, Gen. Greene was placed at the head of an army, not 
exceeding 2,000 men in all, of which but 800 were regular troops. 
Small as was this force, it was almost naked, badly armed, short 
of ammunition and supplies, and destitute of tents and wagons — 
in short, deficient in every requisite of an army. For some time 
previously to Gen. Greene's assumption of the command, it had 
literally lived from hand to mouth ; there were now but three 
days' provision in store, and no certain prospect of a fresh supply 
before that was 'exhausted. The country for some miles around 
the American camp had been completely stripped of provisions, 
while the want of wagons rendered it impossible to obtain the 
supplies which were abundant at a greater distance. If anything 
were wanting, in addition, to merge discouragement into despair, 
it existed in the belief that the army was more likely to diminish, 
from the limitations of service,- and desertion, than to increase 
from the promised reinforcements. The intelligence received by 
the general from Congress and the State governments in the 
Southern department, did not encourage his hopes of being ablo 
to take the field against the enemy before the succeeding spring. 
Yet it became evident that the latter would commence operations 
before that time, and carry into efiect the threatened invasion of 
North Carolina.* 

The policy adopted by Gen. Greene under these circumstances 
was indicative of sound judgment ; its correctness was subsequently 
confirmed by the success which attended it. He determined to divide 
his forces into two bodies, and to take post on the right and left of 
the enemy. The main body, under his own direction, was to 
occupy a position on the waters of the Pedee ; while a strong 
detachment, the command of which was confided to Gen. Morgan, 
was to operate in the country between the Broad and Pacolet 
rivers. The reasons for this disposition may be briefly stated. 

* Correspondence ; Johnson's Greene, vol. i., pp. 340-346. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 259 

The scarcity of provisions in the neighborhood of Charlotte 
required a change of situation ; and the quarters to which the 
troops were about moving would, it was believed, furnish an 
abundance. The people in these districts were mostly zealous 
whigs, and under the protection afforded them by a regular 
force, it was expected that they would take the field in large 
numbers. Although the road was thus left open for Cornwallis to 
advance into North Carolina, he could not take this step without 
exposing his flanks and the posts in his rear to the assaults of 
Greene and Morgan, leaving out of account the opposition he 
might possibly meet with in front, from the patriotic inhabitants, 
particularly those of Mecklenburg and Rowan, and the mountain 
warriors who destroyed Ferguson. Camden and Ninety-six, the 
principal of these posts, kept the whole country below them in 
subjection ; they were, besides, the main depositories of stores 
and provisions for the British army. The capture of these places 
would be followed by a general uprising of the whigs throughout 
South Carolina, and perhaps prove fatal to the objects of the 
enemy in the South. But notwithstanding all these risks, should 
the British persevere in advancing towards Virginia, they would 
yet be much further from Hillsborough, a jjoint intersecting the 
usual route thither, than the main body of the Americans. This 
division, retreating to that place, would be enabled to throw 
themselves before the enemy, and preserve their communications 
with the North, from whence they expected their supplies and 
reinforcements. The division under Morgan could in the mean- 
time retreat before the enemy and impede their advance ; or fall 
upon and harass their rear. It w^as at liberty, besides, to 
descend into South Carolina, and re-exciting by its presence the 
spirit of revolt, gather around it a militia force sufficiently strong 
to enable it to capture successively the British posts, and perhaps 
to effect the re-conquest of the country north and west of 
Charleston. 

But Gen. Greene's main object was to alarm Cornwallis for the 



280 THE LIFE OF 

safety of his posts to such a degree, as to induce him to defer tlie 
prosecution of his designs on North Carolina and Virginia, and 
to detain him in South Carolina, until an army could be raised 
sufficiently strong to fight him with a prospect of success. In this 
Greene to some extent succeeded.* 

On the 20th of December, the divisions of the American army 
moved in opposite directions from Charlotte. The main body, 
under the command of Gen. Huger, took up its line of march 
towards the Pedee, and crossing to the eastern bank of that river, 
moved down a few miles, and on the 26th, encamped at Hick's 
Ci-eek, nearly opposite the Cheraw Hills. The detachment com- 
manded by Morgan, consisting of three hundred and twenty light 
infentry, two hundred Virginia militia, and about eighty cavalry, 
in all five hundred and eighty men, was put in motion for the 
country watered by the Broad and Pacolet rivers. 

A few days previous to this movement, Morgan received a 
setter from Gen. Greene, announcing his appointment to the com- 
mand of this corps, and containing his instructions, the nature of 
which will be best understood by the letter itself. 

INSTRUCTIONS, 

Sir: You are appointed to the command of a corps of light infantry, a 
detachment of militia, and Lient.-Col. Washington's regiment of light 
dragoons. With these troops you will proceed to the west side of the 
Catawba river, whore you will be joined by a body of volunteer miUtia, 
under the command of Brig. Gen. Davidson, of this State, and by the 
militia lately under the command of Brig. Gen. Sumter, This force, and 
such others as may join you from Georgia, you will employ against the 
enemy on the west side of the river, either offensively or defensively, as 
your own prudence and discretion may direct, acting with caution and 
avoiding surprises by every possible precaution. For the present, I give 
you the entire command in that quarter, and do hereby require all officers 
and soldiers engaged in the American camp to be subject to your orders 
and command. 

The object of this detachment is to give protection to that part of the 

* Johnson's Greene, vol. i., pp. S48-351. 



GENERAL DANIEL MDRGAN. 261 

country and spirit up the people, to annoy the enemy in that quarter, col- 
lect the provisions and forage out of the way of the enemy, which you will 
have formed into a number of small magazines in the rear of the position 
you may think proper to take. You will prevent plundering as much as / 
possible, and be as careful of your provisions and forage as may be, 
giving receipts for whatever you take to all such as are friends to the 
independence of America. 

Should the enemy move in force towards the Pedee, where this army 
will take a position, you will move in such direction as will enable you to 
join me if necessary, or to fall back upon the flank or into the rear of the 
enemy, as occasion may require. You will spare no pains to get good 
intcUigence of the enemy's situation, and keep me constantly advertised 
of both your and their movements. You will appoint, for the time being, 
a commissary, quarter-master, and forage-master, who will follow your 
instructions in their several lines. 

Confiding in your abilities and activity, I entrust you with this command, 
being persuaded you will do everything in your power to distress the enemy, 
and afford protection to the country. 

Given under my hand at Charlotte, this 16th December, 1780. 

Nath. Greene, 

To Brig. Gen. Morgan. 



262 THE LIFE OF 



CHAPTER XIV. 

Morgan marches towards the Catawba river— His expectations of being joined by the 
militia disappointed — Causes of their non-appearance — Letter from Gen. Davidson — 
Morgan's arrangements — Detaches Col. Washington against a body of Tories— The 
latter cut to pieces — Washington destroys Fort Williams — Morgan sends another 
detachment to cover Washington's retreat — Letters : from Morgan to Greene ; from 
Gov. Rutledge to Morgan ; from Greene to Morgan ; from Col. 0. H. Williams to 
Morgan ; from Greene to Morgan ; from Morgan to Greene ; from Greene to 
Morgan— Cornwallis directs Tarleton to advance against Morgan— Cornwallis puts his 
army in motion. 

Pursuing his. march, Morgan crossed the Catawba at Biggin's 
Ferry, a short distance below the mouth of the Little Catawba, on 
the evening of the 20th of December ; and crossing Broad river, 
above the mouth of the Pacolet, encamped at Grindall's Fort, on 
the north bank of the latter river, on the 25th. 

Upon starting from Charlotte, he felt assured of being joined 
on his route by a considerable body of the large militia force, 
which it was expected would now be on foot, to cooperate with 
both divisions of the army. The hopes of the people, now recov- 
ered from the shock which they received at Camden in the pre- 
ceding August, burst forth anew with a more ardent zeal ; and 
the representations which poured in upon the American com- 
manders, justified them in believing that the host which gathered 
at Gilbertovrn upon the approach of Ferguson, vrere ready at the 
word of command, to descend from their native hills and reenact 
the tragedy of King's Mountain. To produce such a result, 
letters had previously been addressed to Generals Marion, Sumter, 
and Davidson, Colonels Pickens, Campbell, Clark, Twiggs, Cleave- 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 263 

land, and other zealous and influential commanders, apprising 
them of the contemplated movement, and invoking their aid at 
the head of the militia. But a recent incursion of the Indians 
had given the militia employment in another direction ; and the 
disappointment which Morgan experienced from this circum- 
stance, was coupled with the intimation it afforded him of an early- 
movement of the British army. Hitherto the commencement of 
general operations on the part of the British, had always been 
heralded by the advance of their savage allies into those districts 
from whence the militia were to be drawn. The latter were thus 
compelled to remain in Ijieir own section of country, to guard 
their families and homes against the chances of murder and 
devastation. Two or three days elapsed after Morgan reached 
the banks of the Pacolet, before he received any aid of this 
description, when about two hundred and sixty mounted Corolini- 
ans, under Col. Pickins and Major McCall, arrived. In lieu of 
General Davidson, who, it was confidently expected, would imme- 
diately join him at the head of from six hundred to one 
thousand men, the following letter from that officer, explaining 
the causes of his non-appearance, overtook Morgan on the march. 

Camp Ramson's Battle Ground, Bee. 14th, 1T80. 
Sir: My orders from General Greene were to join you as soon as possi- 
ble after you crossed the river, which I should have effected before this 
time, had the troops joined, agreeable to my expectations. But the expe- 
dition against the Cherokee Downs, and the murders committed in Ruth- 
erford and Burke counties, have entirely drawn off the attention of the 
people who were to compose my command. I suspect it to be a strata- 
gem, as Davis was undoubtedly concerned in the murders. I have not 
ninety men ; but have some hopes from Shelby and Cleaveland, on which I 
shall wait until Tuesday, when I shall move to join you, be my force what 
it may. Do remedy as much as possible the present disappointment. I 
have dispatched orders to all the colonels in the district of Salisbury, to 
make their drafts immediately, and forward them to Charlotte against the 
10th day of next month. The whole will amount to one thousand. I 
consider it of the utmost importance to support the western settle- 



264 THE LIFE OF 

ments of South Carolina and Georgia. I should be happy to kno\» 

where to find you. 

I have the honor to be, &c., 

Wm. Davidson. 
Gen. Daniel Morgan. 

On the 28th or 29th of December, Gen. Davidson arrived at 
Morgan's camp, bringing with him only one hundred and twenty- 
men. But he returned immediately for the drafts alluded to 
above, who, to the number of five hundred or more, were tken 
embodied at Salisbury. 

Reckoning on the cooper^ation of a large body of the finest 
militia in the country. General Morgan had previously concerted 
a plan of offensive operations, within the scope of which, an attack 
upon Cornwallis in his camp was even included. Had his expec- 
tations of reinforcements been but partially realized, he intended 
attacking and taking successively the posts of Ninety-six and 
Augusta. Hereupon being joined by Marion (who at this time 
was operating against Georgetown), with their combined forces, 
such additional advantages over the enemy might be obtained, as 
the courage and strength of their forces, and the fortune of war, 
might aff'ord themx. It was therefore a source of bitter mortifica- 
tion to Morgan to be compelled, from the feebleness of his force, 
to' relinquish designs which promised results equally important 
and glorious, and to confine himself to a line of duty, which, 
while it subjected him to the most imminent peril, was secondary 
in its nature and objects. But the circumstances of the case 
admitted of no alternative, and in conformity with his instruc- 
tions, he immediately commenced measures, having for their 
objects, the injury and annoyance of the enemy, the augmenta- 
tion of his forces, the collection of provisions and forage, and the 
establishment of magazines of supplies in the rear of his posi- 
tion. His first step was to organize the means of obtaining 
speedy, correct, and frequent information of the enemy's 
movements. To this end, a number of active and intelligent 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 265 

men were sent forward into the neighborhood of the British 
camp, with directions to note everything that transpired there, 
and to report to him at least twice in twenty-four hours. Ho 
opened a correspondence with a number of the most influential 
militia officers in the district under his command, explaining the 
important objects which might be effected with the aid of a large 
body of militia, and entreating them to join him with their 
commands, at the earliest practicable moment. Captain Chitty, 
the commissary of provisions, in conjunction with the forage- 
master, was dispatched from camp, with directions to collect all 
provisions and forage to be found in the country between the 
Broad and Catawba rivers, and to deposit them in magazines to 
be established for the purpose. These matters having been 
arranged, his attention was now directed towards the enemy, in 
the hope that some opening might speedily offer, through which 
he could annoy them. Such an opening soon after presented 
itself, and was promptly seized. The consequences which 
followed are well worthy of recital, less from their intrinsic impor- 
tance, than from the material influence which they undoubtedly 
exercised on the subsequent operations of the British army. 

Two or three days after Morgan had taken post on the Pacolet, 
one of his spies returned to camp with the information that a 
body of loyalists from the Savannah river, about two hundred and 
fifty in number, and led by Col. Waters, were laying waste the 
settlements on Fair Forest Creek, distant about twenty miles from 
the American camp. The inhabitants in the neighborhood of 
this creek were all staunch whigs, and the pretext of a design on 
their part to take up arms was framed for the purpose of giving 
something like a legal sanction to the outrage and robbery of 
which they were made the victims. Against this body of tories, 
Morgan dispatched Lieut. Col. Washington with his cavalry and 
about two hundred mounted militia under Major M'Call, with 
directions to surprise them if possible, but at all events, to disperse 
them. 

12 



266 THE LIFE OF 

Arriving at Fair Forest Creek, Washington was informed that 
the tories, having been apprised of his approach, had decamped 
the day previously. He subsequently learned that they had 
retreated to Hammond's Store, a place about twenty miles further 
South, where, deeming themselves secure from danger, Winns- 
borough being on their right, and Ninety-six on their left, they 
intended reposing for a few days. In the hope of surprising thenr 
in their camp, Washington resumed the pursuit, and after an 
unceasing march of nearly forty miles, at length came up with 
them. 

The result was fearful and bloody, and furnished a lesson of 
retribution that forever after influenced the conduct of Che 
disaffected in South Carolina. The rapine and cruelty which 
marked the footsteps of the tories in the settlements at Fair 
Forest Creek, inspired the American troops with such feelings of 
high-wrought indignation, and such a keen desire for revenge, as 
to render them impatient and reckless in the pursuit, as well as 
merciless and uncontrollable in the work of death. Instantly 
charging in front and flank the panic-stricken foe, whose eftbrts 
from the onset were directed rather towards flight than defence, 
a rout immediately followed ; and notwithstanding the strenuous 
efibrts of Washington and McCall to restrain the fury of their 
men, the slaughter ceased not while an object of vengeance 
remained within reach. Of the two hundred and fifty men whom 
Waters commanded previous to the action, one hundred and fifty 
were killed and wounded ; only forty were taken prisoners ; the 
remaining sixty, with their commander, succeeded in escaping. 

The detachment was now so far advanced within the British 
lines, as to admonish Washington of the prudence of an imme- 
diate and speedy return. But another opportunity of dealing the 
enemy a blow presented itself; and although the attempt would 
greatly increase hi.s danger, he could not resist the temptation to 
make it. The object of this fresh enterprise was a British post, 
which had recently been established at a point some fifteen miles 



GENERAL DANIEL MOEGAN. 267 

northeast of Ninetj-six, and on the line of comroiuiication between 
that place, Winnsboroiigh and Camden. At this post, in a strono-]y 
stockaded log house, called Fort William, was a small garrison of 
abont one hundred and fifty men, under Gen. Cunningham. The 
place was reducible only by artillery or surprise. In the hope of 
being able to surprise the garrison, a party of forty mounted 
militia, under Col. Hays, and ten dragoons, under Cornet Simons, 
were sent forward to make the attempt. But Cunningham, 
having received intelligence of Waters's defeat, and of Washing- 
ton's approach, made preparations for decamping; and he had 
just evacuated the fort when the small party sent against him 
appeared. The superior numbers of Cunningham's command, 
added to the firm countenance it displayed, prevented Col. Hays 
from reaping any advantage over it. But he took possession of 
the abandoned fort, which, having destroyed, he rejoined Wash- 
ington. The latter now rapidly retraced his steps towards the 
neighborhood of the Pacolet. 

In the mean time, the lengthened and unaccountable absence of 
Washington's detachment filled Morgan with anxiety. Being at 
length informed of its success, and of the great distance to which 
it had penetrated within the enemy's lines, he became seriously 
alarmed for its safety, and at once determined to run some hazard 
in order to secure its retreat. More than one half of his remain- 
ing force accordingly crossed the Pacolet, and advanced south- 
ward some tvyenty miles. Being soon after joined by Washington 
and his command, the troops in advance returned, and the whole 
detachment re-assembled on the north bank of the Pacolet, on 
the 6th of January. 

This affair, with an account of the reinforcements he had received, 
a glance at the difficulties and dangers which surrounded him. and 
the suggestion of an expedition to Georgia, was made the subject of 
the folloAving letter to Gen. Greene. 

Camp on Pacolet Creek, Dec. 31s<, 1781. 
Dear General : After an uninteresting march, I arrived at this place on 
the 25th of December. On the 21 th, I received intelligence that a body of 



268 THE LIFE OF 

Georgia tories, about two hundred and fifty in number, had advanced as faf 
as Fair Forest, and were insulting and plundering the good people in this 
neighborhood. On the 29th, I dispatched Lieut.-Col. Washington, with his 
own regiment and two hundred militia horse, who had just joined me, to 
attack them. Before the colonel could overtake them, they had retreated 
upwards of twenty miles. He came up with them next day, about twelve 
o'clock, at Hammond's store-house, forty miles from our camp. They were 
alarmed and flew to their horses. Lieut.-Col. Washington extended his 
mounted riflemen on the wings, and charged them in front with his own 
regiment. They fled with the greatest precipitation, without making any 
resistance. One hundred and fifty were killed and wounded, and about 
forty taken prisoners. What makes this success more valuable, it was 
attained without the loss of a man. This intelligence I have just received 
by the Baron de Glaubec, who served in the expedition as a volunteer. To 
guard against any misfortune, I have detached two hundred men to cover 
the retreat of the fortunate party. When I obtain a more particular account, 
I shall transmit it to head-quarters, and recommend to your particular atten- 
tion those men who have distinguished themselves on this occasion. 

The militia are increasing fast, so that we cannot be supplied in this 
neighborhood more than two or three days at farthest. Were we to 
advance, and be constrained to retreat, the consequence would be very 
disagreeable ; and this must be the case should we lay near the enemy, 
and Cornwallis reinforce, which he can do with the greatest facility. 

General Davidson has brought in one hundred and twenty men, and has 
returned to bring forward a draft of five hundred more. Col. Pickens has 
joined me with sixty. Thirty or forty of the men who came out with him 
have gone into North Carolina to secure their efiects, and will immediately 
repair to my camp. 

When I shall have collected my expected force, I shall be at a loss how 
to act. Could a diversion be made in my favor by the main army, I 
should wish to march into Georgia. To me it appears an advisable 
scheme, but should be happy to receive your directions on this point, as 
they must be the guide of my actions. I have consulted with Gen. 
Davidson and Col. Pickens, whether we could secure a safe retreat, should 
we be pushed by a superior force. They tell me it caii be easily effected 
by passing up the Savannah and crossing over the heads of the rivers along 
the Indian line. 

To expedite this movement, should it meet with your approbation, I 
have sent for one hundred swords, which I intend to put into the hands 
of expert riflemen, to be mounted and incorporated with Lieut. CoL 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 269 

"Washington's corps. I have also written to the quarter-master to have 
me one hundred packsaddles made immediately — should be glad if you 
would direct him to be expeditious. Packsaddles ought to be procured, 
let our movements be what they may, for our wagons will be an impedi- 
ment, whether we attempt to annoy the enemy or provide for our own 
safety. It is incompatible with the nature of light troops to be encum- 
bered with baggage. 

I would wish to receive an answer to this proposition as soon as possi- 
ble. This country has been so exhausted, that the supplies for my 
detachment have been precarious and scant ever since my arrival, and in 
a few days will be unattainable ; so that a movement is unavoidable. At 
my particular request. Col. Malmady has been so obliging as to undertake 
the dehvery of these dispatches. He will be able to give you a just idea 
of our situation and prospects. 

I have the honor to be, &c., 

Daniel Morgan. 

N. B. — Should this expedition be thought advisable, a profound secrecy 
will be essentially necessary, as you know it is the soul of enterprise. Col. 
Lee's corps would ensure its success. D. M. 

Hon. Maj. Gen. Greene. 

After the affair at Hammond's store, and until a fortnight had 
elapsed, nothing occurred to cause Morgan any uneasiness, or to 
give intimation of the thrilling events which were so soon to 
follow. The interim may therefore be advantageously employed 
in the consideration of such portions of his correspondence as will 
serve to illustrate the narrative, display the private feelings of 
some of the writers, and afford a correct insight of the views and 
objects of others. 

Governor Rutledge, the writer of the following letter, was one 
of the most distinguished men of the period. His talents and 
patriotism have won for his memory a bright page in the history 
of his country. He was earnestly in favor of a descent on the 
British posts on the Saluda and Savannah rivers, and concurred 
with Morgan in the belief, that such an attempt, if successful, 
^^ould seriously interfere with the designs then entertained by 



270 THE LIFE OF 

Cornwallis against North Carolina and Virginia.* But the 
absence of a sufficient force of regular troops or militia rendered 
the enterprise too hazardous to be attempted. The Indians of 
Georgia and South Carolina, to whom this letter chiefly relates, 
took an active part in the struggle, and generally on the side of 
the British, who took care to conciliate their friendship by the 
profuse distribution ol presents among them. As has been 
already noticed, they were generally sent forward in advance of a 
movement of the British army, to harass the inhabitants of the 
whig districts, and by arousing the fears of the latter for the 
safety of their families, to prevent their assembling in arms when 
their aid was most needed. To check an evil attended with such 
mischievous consequences, was of the utmost importance, and his 
efforts were at length crowned with success. 

Charlotte, Dec. 22(f, 1780. 

Dear Sir: The bearer can give you some account of the enemy's 
works (two forts, one of them a stockade, and two redoubts) at Ninety- 
Bix. I think their stockade may appears formidable to the country 
people ; but that regular troops would find the taking of it no very diffi- 
cult matter, if it has neither ditch nor abattis, and if Mr. Brown's other 
accounts of it are true. However, I refer you to him for particulars on 
this head, which may be somewhat satisfactory. 

He tells me that Galphin (who I heard was dead) is alive, at home. He 
is certainly our staunch friend, and his influence among the Indians, 
especially the Creeks, is still great. I wish you could send a confidential 
person to him, with this message from me, viz.: To use his utmost influ- 
ence and interest with the Creeks, to keep them quiet — to inform them 
that a large fleet and a number of troops sailed from Havana, in October, 
against St. Augustine or Pensacola, and that more were preparing to go 
against these places — that the Spaniards will certainly soon have the 
Floridas — and that the other States and the French will soon get back 
South Carolina and Georgia ; therefore advising the Indians to get all the 
goods they can from the British, but by no means to take up the hatchet, 
or kill any of our people ; for if they do, as soon as the E:iglish are 
beaten, we shall fall upon them, the Indians. This may have a good 

* Letter, Rutledge, Jan. 12, 1781. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 271 

effect, and in a measure may be absolutely necessary, as the bearer says 
he hears that Brown has a good many Creeks at Augusta, and that he 
expects more there, to act against our people. Indeed, if we can regain 
Ninety-six, we must not suffer the enemy to possess Augusta, for they 
will hold their influence over the Indians while they hold that place. Col. 
Polk tells me that he heard, yesterday, from Gen, Davidson, that volun- 
teers were flocking in to him briskly. I hope he will soon join you with a 
respectable force. Success attend you. 

I am, &c., 

j. kutledge. 
Gen. Morgan. 

The arrival at the Cheraws of the main body of the American 
army, the landing of Gen. Leslie at Charleston, and other 
matters, form the subject of the following letter from General 
Greene : 

Camp on the Chera-vts, on the east side of Pedee, | 
Dec. 2mh, 1780. f 

Dear Sir : We arrived here the 26th inst., after a very tedious and dis- 
agreeable march, owing to the badness of the roads and the poor and 
weak state of our teams. Our prospects with regard to provisions are 
mended, but this is no Egypt. 

I have this moment received intelhgence that Gen. Leslie has landed at 
Charleston, and is on his way to Camden. His force is about two thous- 
and, perhaps something less. I also am informed that Lord Cornwallis 
has collected his troops at Camden. You will watch their motions very 
narrowly, and take care and guard against a surprise. Should they move 
in force this way, you will endeavor to cross the river and join us. Do 
not be sparing of your expresses, but let me know as often as possible, of 
your situation. I wish to be fully informed of your prospect respecting 
provisions, and also the number of militia that has joined you. 

A large number of tents and hatchets are on the road. As soon as 
they arrive you shall be supplied. Many other articles necessary for this 
army, particularly shoes, are coming on. 

I am sir, your n;ost obedient servant, 

Nathaniel Greene. 
Gen. Morgan. 

A warm friendship existed between the writer of the annexed 



272 THE LIFE OF 

letter and Morgan. He was one of the most accomplished arid 
gallant ojSScers that took a part in the great drama of the revolu- 
tion. 

Camp Hicks's Ckeek, on Pedee, Dec. ZOth, 17S0. 

Dear General : I enclose you a number of letters, by a sergeant of 
Lieut. Col. Washington's regiment, which I hope will arrive safe. We 
are at present in a camp of repose, and the general is exerting himself, 
and everybody else, to put his little army in a better condition. Tents in 
sufficient numbers for a larger army than ours, are coming from Philadel- 
phia ; they are expected to arrive early in January. We also expect a 
number of shoes, shirts, and some other articles essentially necessary. 

Col. Marion writes the general, that General Leshe landed at Charleston, 
with his command, on the 20th inst., and that he had advanced as far as 
Monks's Corner. You know Lord CornWalHs has collected his force at 
Camden — probably they mean to form a junction, and attempt to gi^e a 
blow to a part of our force while we are divided, and most probably that 
blow will be aimed at you, as our position in the centre of a wilderness is 
less accessible than your camp. I know your discretion renders all caution 
from me unnecessary ; but my friendship will plead an excuse for the 
impertinence of wishing you to run no risk of a defeat. May your laurels 
flourish when your locks fade, and an age of peace reward your toils in 
war. My love to every fellow soldier, and adieu. 

Yours, most truly, 

0. H. Williams. 

The reader will have noticed in the two preceding letters, that 
the objects of the enemy's movements were differently interpreted 
Ly the writers. Greene always suspected that these movements 
had reference to himself; Williams believed that they had ulti- 
mate designs against Morgan ; and in this opinion he was joined 
by the latter. 

The following, from Gen. Greene, was in reply to Morgan's 
letter of the 31st: 

Camp South Carolina, at Kurshadt's Ferry, east side, of Ppdee, \ 

Jan. 6th, 1781. ) 

Dear Sir : Col. Malmady arrived here yesterday, with your letter of the 
Slst December. Nothing could have afforded more pleasure than the sue- 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 273 

cessful attack of Lieut. Col. Washington upon the tories. I hope it will 
be attended with a happy influence upon both whig and tory, to the 
reclaiming of the one, and the encouragement of the other. I wish you 
to forward me an oflBcial report as soon as possible, that I may send it to 
the northward. 

I have maturely considered your proposition of an expedition into 
Georgia, and cannot think it warrantable in the critical situation our army 
is in. I have no small reason to think, by intelligence from different 
quarters, that the enemy have a movement in contemplation, and that in 
all probability it will be this way, from the impudence of the tories, who 
are collecting in different quarters, in the most inaccessible swamps and 
morasses. Should you go into Georgia, and the enemy push this way, 
your whole force will be useless. The enemy having no object there but 
what is secure in their fortifications, will take no notice of your 
movement, but serve you as General Prevost did General Lincoln, oblige 
you to return by making a forward movement themselves ; and you will 
be so far in the rear that you can do them no injury. But if you con- 
tinue in the neighborhood of the place you now are at, and they attempt 
to push forward, you may interrupt their communications with Charleston, 
or harass their rear, both of which will alarm the enemy not a little. 

If you employ detachments to interrupt supplies going to Ninety-six, 
and Augusta, it will perplex the enemy much. If you think Nincty<>ix, 
Augusta, or even Savannah can be surprised, and your force will admit of 
a detachment for the purpose, and leave you a sufficiency to keep up 
a good countenance, you may attempt it. But don't think of attempting 
either, unless by surprise, for you will only beat your heads against the 
vrall without success. Small parties are better to effect a surprise than 
large bodies, and the success will not greatly depend upon the numbers, 
but on the secrecy and spirit of the attack. 

I must repeat my caution to you to guard against a surprise. The 
enemy and the tories both will try to bring you into disgrace, if possi- 
ble, to prevent your influence upon the militia, especially the weak and 
wavering. 

I cannot pretend to give you any particular instructions respecting a 
position. But somewhere between the Saluda and the north branch of 
Broad river appears to be the most favorable for annoying the enemy, 
interrupting their supplies, and harassing their rear, if they should make 
a movement this way. 

If you could detach a small party to kill the enemy's draft horses and 
recruiting cavalry, upon the Congaree, it would give them almost as deadly 

12* 



274: THE LIFE OF 

a blow as a defeat. But this matter must be conducted with great secrecy 
and dispatch. 

Lieut. Col. Lee has just arrived with his legion, and Col. Green is within 
a few days' march of this, with a reinforcement. 

I am, dear sir, truly yours, 

Nathaniel Greene. 
Gen. Morgan. 

The difficulties and dangers of Morgan's position are the chief 
topic of the following letter to Gen. Greene : 

Camp on Pacolet, Jan. 4, 1781. 

Dear Sir: As soon as I could form a just judgment of your situation 
and prospects, I dispatched Col. Malmady to give you the necessary infor- 
mation, and I flatter myself he has done it to your satisfaction. The 
account he brings you of Lieut. Col. Washington's success at Hammond's 
store is as authentic as any I have been able to collect. It was followed 
by some small advantages. Gen. Cunningham, on hearing of Waters's 
defeat, prepared to evacuate Fort Williams, and had just marched out 
with the last of his garrison, as a party, consisting of about forty militia 
horsriuon under Col. Hays, and ten dragoons under Mr. Simmonds, arrived 
with an intention of demanding a surrender. The enemy's force was so 
superior to theirs, that they could effect nothing more than the demolition 
of the fort. 

Sensible of the importance of guarding against surprise, I have used 
e^rery precaution on this head. I have had men who were recommended 
as every way calculated for the business, continually watching the motions 
of the enemy; so that unless they deceive me, I am in no danger of being 
surprised. 

I have received no acquisition of force since I wrote you ; but I expect 
in a few days to be joined by Cols. Clark's and Twiggs's regiments. Their 
numbers I cannot ascertain. The men on the north side of Broad river I 
have not yet ordered to join me; but have directed their officers to keep 
them in compact bodies, that they may be ready to march at the shortest 
notice. I intend these as a check on the enemy, should they attempt any- 
thing against my detachment. 

My situation is far from being agreeable to my wishes or expectations. 
Forage and provisions are not to be had. Here we cannot subsist, so that 
we have but one alternative, either to retreat or move into Georgia. A 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 275 

retreat will be attended with the most fatal consequences. The spirit 
which now begins to pervade the people, and call them into the field, will 
be destroyed. The militia who have already joined will desert us, and it 
is not improbable but that a regard for their own safety will induce them 
to join the enemy. 

I shall wait with impatience for your directions on the subject of my 
letter to Cbl. Malmady, as till then my operations must be suspended. 
I am, dear sir, truly yours, 

Daniel Morgan. 

Maj. Gen. Greene. 

The annexed letter is in reply to the foregoing : 

Camp on the Pedee, Jan. 18, 1781. 

Dear Sir : I am this moment favored with your letter of the 4th Inst. 
Col. Malmady also delivered me your dispatches of the 31st of December, 
which I answered the 8th inst., wherein I informed you that I cannot 
think an expedition into Georgia eligible at this time. Since I wrote you 
I have received letters from Virginia, informing me of the arrival of Gen. 
PhiUips, with a detachment of 2,500 men from New York. This circum- 
stance renders it still more improper for you to move far to the southward. 
It is my wish also that you should hold your ground if possible; for I 
foresee the disagreeable consequences that will result from a retreat. If 
moving as far as Ninety-six, or anywhere in the neighborhood of it, will 
contribute to the obtaining more ample supplies, you have my consent. 
Col. Tarleton is said to be on his way to pay you a visit. I doubt not but 
he will have a decent reception and a proper dismission. And I am happy 
to find you have taken every proper precaution to avoid a surprise. 

I wish you to be more particular respecting your plan and object ia 
paying a visit to Georgia. 

Virginia is raising 3,000 men to recruit this army. 

I am, &c., 

Nathaniel Greene 

Gen. Morgan. 

Before this letter was received, the anticipated meeting had 
taken place, and a blow had been struck, which gave a new and 
decisive character to the subsequent operations of the contending 
armies. 

The recent advance of Lieut. Col. Washington to the vicinity 



276 THELIFEOF 

of Ninety-six, confirmed Cornwallis in the belief that Morgan 
meditated serious designs against that important British post. 
The fortifications of this place were not sufficiently strong to 
resist the attack of regular troops, particularly when aided by 
cannon. This Cornwallis well knew ; but regarding the strength 
of Morgan's force, or whether it was accompanied by cannon, he 
was not so certain. Even could the post be successfully defended 
against an assault, little advantage would result to the British, 
unless the adjacent country, which furnished subsistence to the 
garrison and the tories in the district, could also be protected. 
This, to Cornwallis's mind, was in imminent danger, and called 
for prompt precautionary measures.''^ 

Other causes of anxiety to the British had arisen from 
Morgan's movements. Previous to the tragedy of Hammond's 
store, Cornwallis reckoned, not without reason, upon the co-opera- 
tion in considerable numbers of the tories in that quarter. But 
so dispiriting were the effects of the severe blow which they 
received on that occasion, that nothing thereafter could induce 
them to take the field, and Cornwallis was obliged to relinquish 
all hopes of aid from them. 

These considerations were engaging the attention of the British 
commander, when he received information that Morgan was in 
full march for Ninety-six.f 

Under feelings, partaking partly of alarm and partly of vexa- 
tion, he determined to take immediate and vigorous measures 
against Morgan, even though their prosecution should derange 
the main operations, the commencement of which he had intended 
deferring until the arrival of the reinforcement under Leslie. 

Accordingly, on the first of January, an aid was dispatched to 
Lieut. Col. Tarleton, then lying with his command at Brierly's 
Ferry, with directions to cross Broad river and counteract Morgan's 
supposed designs. The day following, Cornwallis communicated 
further instructions to Tarleton in the annexed note : 

• Tarleton'8 Campaign, p. 210. 1 1bid 



GENEEAL DANIEL MORGAN. 277 

WiNNSBOROUGH, Jan. 2, 1731. 
Dear Tarleton : I sent Haldane to you last night, to desire you would 
pass Broad river with the legion and the first battalion of the 71st as soon 
as possible. If Moi'gan is still at Williams's, or any where within your 
reach, I should wish you to push him to the utmost. I have not heard, 
except from McArthur, of his having cannon, nor would I believe it, unless 
he has it from very good authority. It is, however, possible, and Ninety- 
Bix is of so much consequence, that no time is to be lost.* 

Yours sincerely, 

CORNWALLIS. 



On receiving these orders, Tarleton put his troops in motion. 
These, according to his own accounts, consisted of the legion 
cavalry and infentry, of five hundred and fifty men ; the first 
battalion of the seventy-first regiment, of two hundred ; and two 
three-pounders, with a detachment of the royal artillery in suflS- 
cient numbers to serve the pieces.f 

Proceeding in a westerly direction for about twenty miles, 
Tarleton received such information as satisfied him th?t N.inety- 
six was in no immediate danger, and that Morgan was far from 
its vicinity. He thereupon halted his troops, as well to allow 
time for the arrival of their baggage, which had been left behind, 
as to furnish Cornwallis with correct information, and to propose 
for his lordship's sanction, a plan of operations against Morgan, 
which struck him as promising great advantages. Informing 
Cornwallis that Morgan, with his command, was on the west side 
of Broad river, and that he threatened Ninety-six, Tarleton 
proposed a simultaneous movement of the troops on both sides of 
Broad river towards the Americans. He suggested, that while 
the detachment under his command, after being reinforced, should 
advance, and either destroy Morgan or push him before it over 
Broad river towards King's Mountain, the main body should 
move forward to the same point, and in case Morgan's forces 
succeeded in crossing the river, intercept their further retreat, 

♦ Tarleton's Campaign, p. 244. t Tarleton's Campaign, p. 211. 



278 THE LIFE OF 

and compel them either to fight, disperse across the mountains^ 
or surrender. 

Cornwallis gave the proposed joint operations his approval, 
and sendino- -with the leo-ion's bao;<yao;e two hundred men of the 
seventh regiment (designed as a reinforcement to the garrison at 
Ninety-six), and fifty dragoons of the seventeenth regiment, 
informed Tarleton that he would put the main body in motion on 
the 7th. On the arrival of the baggage and troops, Tarleton 
resumed his march. Two days were spent in crossing Indian and 
Dunken creeks. Learning here that Morgan's force was rapidly 
increasing, he was deterred from advancing farther on unknown 
dangers. He accordingly made a halt, to gain information, and 
to wait for the permission, solicited of Cornwallis, to retain under 
his command the detachment of the seventh regiment, until the 
operations in hand were completed. The main army had in the 
mean time advanced from Winnsborough to a place called 
>.IcAllister's. His request having been granted, Tarleton resumed 
iiis march on the 12th. He proceeded in a westerly direction, in 
order to avail himself of the most practicable fords of the Ennoree 
and the Tj^ger, and at the same time to lessen the probabilities 
of Morgan's retreat, by a rapid movement in his front towards 
Georgia. On the 14th, he crossed the Ennoree and Tyger rivers, 
above the Cherokee road. On the same day he learned that 
Cornwallis had reached Bull's Run ; that Leslie, having surmounted 
the obstacles which had so greatly retarded his march, was 
advancing, more rapidly, to efiect a junction with the main body ; 
and that Morgan, posted on the north bank of the Pacolet, was 
guarding all the fords of that river. Apprising Cornwallis of 
his intention to force a passage of the Pacolet, and compel 
Morgan either to fight or retreat, and requesting his lordship to 
proceed up the eastern bank of Broad river, and act in co-opera- 
tion should it be necessary, Tarleton advanced towards the Pacolet, 
the neighborhood of which he reached on the 15th.* 

* Tarleton's Campaign, pp. 211-213. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 279 

The day following, Cornwallis reached Turkey Creek. Although 
eiglit days had elapsed since this officer broke up his camp at 
Winnsborough, he had advanced only forty miles. He was now some 
twenty-five miles in the rear of the ground, about being the scene 
of conflict, instead of being that distance in advance of it. It is 
true, recent heavy rains, and the consequent swelling of all the 
water courses, presented serious obstacles to a rapid progress, with 
such an immense baggage train as accompanied his army. But 
other considerations had made their way to his mind during his 
march, admonishing him of the danger of precipitancy, if not 
causing him to regret the premature movement into which he 
had been drawn by Tarleton. His active forces were divided into 
three bodies, each separated from the others by a distance of 
from thirty to forty miles, and by two large rivers, now greatly 
swollen, and impassable, save at points widely apart. The 
American army being divided into two bodies only, one on his 
right, and the other on his left, the numerical superiority of his 
forces was thus practically diminished, if not entirely neutralized. 
Under the belief that the mihtia were gathering in very large 
numbers around Greene and Morgan, his fears were aroused lest 
one of his divisions should be overwhelmed, and that his entire 
force would thus be destroyed in detail. An attack upon Leslie 
by Greene, struck him as an enterprise no less feasible than one 
by Morgan upon himself, now that his cavalry, light infantry, and 
other troops detached under Tarleton, composing a force quite as 
effective as that remaining with him, were absent. For Tarleton 
he seems to have entertained no apprehensions. The activity and 
courage of this officer, and the almost uniform success which had 
attended him in his numerous enterprises, inspired his commander 
with the confident belief that he would fulfill his promise, either 
to destroy Morgan's corps or drive it over Broad river. Con- 
vinced that in the latter event it was not in the power of his 
much incumbered army to cut off the retreat of a corps so active 
and bold, and even if it were, that the danger thus incurred 



280 THELIFEOF 

would more than counterbalance the utmost advantage to b« 
gained, Cornwallis ordered Leslie to join him with all convenient 
speed, and in the mean time delayed his march until the desired 
junction could be effected. 

But precautions came too late to shield him from the conse- 
quences of a premature movement. While congratulating him- 
self on having repaired his error, and thus avoided the conse- 
quences which it involved, misfortune overtook him from a quarter 
least of all expected. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 281 



CHAPTER XV. 

Morgan determines to take a position nearer to the fords of Broad river— Tarleton 
approaches — Morgan retires to Burr's Mills — Tarleton crosses the Pacolet^ — Morgan 
marches to the Cowpens, where he announces his intention of awaiting the enemy — 
Letter from Morgan to Greene, and reply thereto— Tarleton follows Morgan— A com- 
parison of these oflacers — The motives which actuated them respectively in risking a 
battle — Morgan's preparations for the expected conflict — Anecdote — Tarleton 
approaches— Skirmish between the enemy's advance and the American patrol— The 
Cowpens — Description of the field — Morgan's disposition of his forces — His directions 
and exhortations to the men — The enemy's cavalry drive in the American front — 
Tarleton's dispositions— His advance to the attack— The battle— The enemy routed — 
Conflict between Washington and Tarleton— The latter escapes capture only by a 
mistake of his pursuers — The results — Official account of the battle, with a list of the 
officers engaged therein. 

Morgan had been a watcbful observer of the movements just 
described. Up to the 14th, his determination had been to resist 
a passage of the Pacolet by Tarleton. But the advance of Corn- 
wallis on his left and towards his rear, while Tarleton menaced 
him in front, admonished him of the danger of persevering in 
this design. A successful defence of the foi-ds of the Pacolet, 
would be attended by no other important result, than to give 
Cornwallis time to gain his rear ; while a defeat, under such cir- 
cumstances, must have been followed by the ruin of his command. 
The instructions of General Greene, without revealing any deter- 
minate plan of operations, required him to hold his ground as 
long as possible, and consented to a retreat only when no other 
means were left of securing his corps from a misfortune. To 
continue longer in his present advanced position, was but 
courting destruction. The country in the neighborhood of the 
Pacolet had thus far afforded him a scanty supply of provisions 



282 THE LIFE OF 

and forage ; but so bare had it become, that a change to some 
otlier was now demanded by the wants of his force, independently 
of the additional reasons furnished by the proximity of the 
enemy. Yet to retreat from the district, would have a most dis- 
piriting eftect upon its patriotic inhabitants, would subject them to 
persecution, and cause the militia to abandon him. His accurate 
knowledge of Cornwallis's position, assured him of the practica- 
bility of retiring across Broad river, in spite of his lordship, if 
the attempt were promptly made. But the loss of two or three 
days more in the desire of engaging Tarleton at the Pacalet, 
might leave him no other alternative than a retreat towards the 
mountains. Such a step, under existing circumstances, would be 
little less disastrous than a defeat. As will be seen, his efforts to 
prepare for such a necessity, by establishing magazines of supplies 
in that quarter, were rendered nugatory by the opposition of Col. 
Sumter ; and without such supplies, a retreat in that direction 
was impracticable. Before the advance of Leslie to the aid of 
Cornwallis, and the subsequent development of their designs, a 
descent into Georgia had been seriously considered by Morgan. 
Although the scheme did not meet the approval of Gen. Greene, 
a modification of it was suggested by that officer, which, contem- 
plating assaults upon the British posts of Ninety-six and Augusta, 
embraced the contingency of an attack upon the enemy's flank 
and rear, should they advance. In the present posture of affairs, 
however, it was regarded by both Greene nnd Morgan as of the 
utmost importance to preserve their communications Avith one 
another, and to be enabled to effect a junction of their forces, 
should the enemy evince a design to prosecute a winter campaign. 
Had Morgan been at liberty to move into Georgia, however, he 
could not have done so without subjecting himself to an attack 
from Tarleton, who, anticipating such a movement, had advanced 
in such a direction as to plac-e himself between that State and his 
adversary. Morgan was, therefore, denied this resort even in an 
extremity. The guarded and deliberate manner in which 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 283 

Tarleton advanced upon him — so unlike that officer's usual mode 
of approaching an opponent — had, besides, aroused his suspicions 
of a design — such as that which had really been concerted 
b-^tween Cornwallis and Tarleton — to entrap him. 

Under these circumstances, Morgan determined upon taking 
ground nearer to the upper fords of Broad river, where the 
dangers of his present position would be greatly diminished, and 
where he could safely defer a retreat for a few days longer. If 
forced to fight, he would be nearer to the reinforcements of 
militia, then on the march to join him, and to those on the north 
side of Broad river, which he had ordered to be held in readiness 
to take the field in such an event. Should Cornwallis remain sta- 
tionary, or keep so far in the rear as to leave the way open for his 
retreat, and should the reinforcements arrive in sufficient numbers 
to render his forces something like a match for those of Tarleton, 
he determined to hold his ground in defiance of that officer, and 
to risk a battle in its defence. If compelled by the movements of 
Cornwallis to retreat, however, he could cross without much diffi- 
culty, to the country watered by the Catawba. He could thus 
gain a position better calculated to furnish him with supplies, to 
yield him the cooperation of the militia, to increase his means Ol 
obstructing the progress of the enemy, and, at the same time, 
facilitate a junction of his forces with the main body under 
Greene. 

These considerations occupied Morgan's attention, when the 
approach of Tarleton was announced. Being now convinced that 
the movements of Cornwallis and Tarleton had direct reference 
to himself, he broke up his encampment at Grindall's ford, and 
having sent a number of small detachments, with directions to 
observe the different fords of the Pacolet, and to retire and report 
when the enemy effected a passage of the river, he put his troops 
in motion, and in the afternoon of the 15th, encamped at Burr's 
Mills, on Thicketty creek. 

On the evening of the same day, Tarleton reached the Pacolet> 



284 THE LIFE OF 

which he ])roposed crossing without delay. Here, however, he 
found the detachments which Morgan nad left in observation on 
the o])po.site bank. Supposing that officer to be there in strength, 
and sensible of the danger of attempting to force a passage in 
the face of an adversary so wily and resolute, he resorted to 
stratagem to eflfect his purpose. With the feigned object of 
gaining the ford at the iron works, at some distance up the river, 
and of crossing before sufficient assistance could be given to the 
guard at that point to repel him, Tarleton moved in that direction 
on the same night. After marching about three hours, he 
suddenly ordered a halt. Having given his men a short period 
of repose, he retraced his steps, and before daylight the next 
morning, crossed the river without interruption at Easterwood 
shoals.* 

On the appearance of the enemy on the Pacolet, and their 
advance up its southern bank, Morgan's detachments collected 
and marched up the opposite shore, their movements corres- 
ponding with those of the enemy. When the latter encamped, 
apparently for the night, the detachments also encamped. Learn- 
ing the next morning, however, that Tarleton had crossed the 
river about an hour before, at Easterwood shoals, a few miles 
below their camp, they retreated without delay in the direction 
of the main body. 

Morgan, having been apprised of Tarleton's passage of the 
Pacolet, a few hours after its occurrence, immediately put his 
troops in motion. Pushing forward on the mountain road 
leading to Hancocksville, he passed that place ; then turning into 
a by-road, he proceeded towards the head of Thicketty creek. 
Arriving at the Cowpens about sundown, he ordered a halt ; and 
having ascertained that he would be joined at that place in a few 
houz-s by a considerable reinforcement of militia, he communi- 
cated to his troops his intention of awaiting the enemy there.f 

During the march from the Pacolet to the Cowpens, Morgan 

* Tarleton's Campaign, p. 213. t Orion, vol. iii., p. 88. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 285 

wrote to Gen. Greene. This letter, and the reply thereto, are 
invested with no common interest, inasmuch as they are the last 
which passed between the writers, \\]i\]e as yet the views of 
neither were influenced by the action of the iVth. They ai*e 
likewise of some historical importance, as the}'^ serve to display 
the motives and objects which governed the actions of both 
Greene and Morgan, previously to that memorable event — points, 
particularly as regards the latter, that have been the subject of 
much misrejjresentation. They are accordingly inserted. 

Camp at Burr's Mills, Thickettt Creek, ) 
Jan. 15th, 17S1. ) 

Dear General : Your letters of the 3rd and 8th instant came to hand 
yesterday, just as I was preparing to change my position; was therefore 
obliged to detain the express until this evening. 

The accounts I have transmitted you of Lieut. Col. Washington's suc- 
cess, accords with his opinion. The number killed and wounded on the 
part of the tories must depend on conjecture, as they broke on the first 
charge, scattered through the woods, and were pursued in every direction. 
The conset[uences attending this defeat will be fatal to the disaffected. 
They have not been able to embody. 

Sensible of the importance of having magazines of forage and provi- 
sions established in this country, I have left no means in my power unes- 
sayed to effect this business. I dispatched Captain Chitty (whom I have 
appointed as commissary of purchases for my command), with orders to 
collect and store all the provisions that could be obtained between the 
Catawba and Broad rivers. I gave him directions to call on Col. Hill, 
who commands a regiment of militia in that quarter, to furnish him with 
a proper number of men to assist him in the execution of this commission ; 
but he, to my great surprise, has just returned without effecting anything. 
He tells me that his failure proceeded from the want of the countenance 
and assistance of Col. Hill, who assured him that General Sumter directed 
him to obey no orders from me, unless they came through him. 

I find it impracticable to procure more provisions in this quarter than 
are absolutely necessary for our own immediate consumption: indeed it 
has been with the greatest difficulty that we have been able to effect this. 
We have to feed such a number of horses, that the most plentiful country 
must soon be exhausted. Nor am I a little apprehensive that no 



286 THE LIFE OF 

part of this State accessible to us can support us long. Could the militia 
be persuaded to change their fatal mode of going to war, much provision 
might be saved; but the custom has taken such deep root that it cannot 
be abolished. 

Upon a full and mature deliberation, I am confirmed in the opinion that 
nothing can be effected by my detachment in this country, which will 
balance the risks I will be subjected to by remaining here. The enemy's 
great superiority in numbers, and our distance from the main army, will enable 
Lord Cornwalhs to detach so superior a force against me, as to render it 
essential to our safety to avoid coming to action. Nor will this be 
always in my power. No attempt to surprise me will be left untried by 
them ; and situated as we must be, every possible precaution may not be 
sufficient to secure us. The scarcity of forage renders it impossible for us 
always to be in a compact body; and were this not the case, it is beyond 
the art of man to keep the militia from straggling. These reasons induce 
me to request that I may be recalled with my detachment, and that Gen. 
Davidson and Col. Pickens may be left with the miUtia of North and 
South Carohna and Georgia. They will not be so much the object of the 
enemy's attention, and will be capable of being a check on the disaffected, 
which is all I can effect. 

Col. Pickens is a valuable, discreet and attentive officer, and has the 
confidence of the militia. 

My force is inadequate to the attempts you have hinted at. I liave 
now with me only two hundred South Carohna and Georgia, and one 
hundred and forty North Carohna, volunteers. Nor do I expect to have 
more than two-thirds of these to assist me, should I be attacked, for it 
is impossible to keep them collected. 

Though I am convinced that were you on the spot, the propriety of my 
proposition would strike you forcibly ; should you think it unadvisable to 
recall me, you may depend on my attempting everything to annoy the 
enemy, and to provide for the safety of the detachment. I shall cheer- 
fully acquiesce in your determinations. 

Col. Tarleton has crossed the Tyger at Musgrove's Mill; his force we 
cannot learn. It is more than probable we are his object. Cornwalhs, by 
last accounts, was at the cross-roads near Lee's old place. 

We have just learned that Tarleton's force is from eleven to twelv* 
hundred British, I am, dear general, 

Truly yours, 

Daniel Morgan. 

Major Gen. Greene. 



GENERAL DANIEL MOKGAN. 287 

Camp on Pedee, Jan. 19, 1781. 

Dear Sir : Tour favor of the 15th was delivered to me last night about 
12 o'clock. I am surprised that Gen. Sumter should f::ivc such an order as 
that you mention to Col. Hill, nor can I persuade iiivself but that there 
must be some mistake in the matter ; for though it is the most military to 
convey orders through the principal to the dependents, as well from 
propriety as respect, yet this may not always be convenient, or even 
practicable ; and therefore to give a positive order not to obey, was 
repugnant to reason and common sense. As the head was subject to your 
orders, consequently the dependents also. I will write Gen. Sumter on 
the subject ; but as it is better to conciliate than aggravate matters, where 
everything depends so much upon voluntary principles, I wish you to take 
no notice of the matter, but endeavor to influence his conduct to give you 
all the aid in his power. Write to him frequently, and consult with him 
freely. He is a man of great pride and considerable merit, and should not 
be neglected. If he has given such orders, I am persuaded he will see 
the improi)riety of the matter and correct it in future, unless personal 
glory is more the object than public good, which I cannot suppose is the 
case with him, or any other man who fights in the cause of liberty. 

I was informed of Lord Cornwallis's movements before the arrival of 
your letter, and agree with you in opinion that you are the object ; and 
from his making so general a movement it convinces me that he feels a 
great inconvenience from your force and situation. Gen. LesUe has 
crossed the Catawba to join him. He would never harass his troops to 
remove you, if he did not think it an object of some importance ; nor 
would he put his collective force in motion if he had not some respect for 
your numbers. I am sensible your situation is critical, and requires the 
most watchful atention to guard against a surprise. But I think it is of 
great importance to keep up a force in that quarter, nor can I persuade 
myself that the miUtia alone will answer the same valuable purposes as 
when joined by the continental troops. 

It is not my wish you should come to action unless you have a manifest 
superiority, and a moral certainty of succeeding. Put nothing to the 
hazard : a retreat may be disagreeable, but not disgraceful. Regard not 
the opinions of the day. It is not our business to risk too much. Our 
affairs are in too critical a situation, and require time and nursing to give 
them a better tone. 

If Gen. Sumter and you would fix upon a plan for him to hold the post 
which you now occupy, to be joined by the militia under Gen. Davison, 
and you with your force, and the Georgia and Virginia militia, to move 



288 THE LIFE OF 

towards Augusta or into that quarter, I should have no objection to such 
a movement, provided you think it will answer any valuable purpose, and 
can be attended with a degree of safety. I am unwilling to recall you if 
it can be avoided ; but I had rather recall you by far, than expose you to 
the hazard of a surprise. 

Before this can possibly reach you, I imagine, the movements of Lord 
Cornwallis and Col. Tarleton will be sufficiently explained, and you be 
obliged to take some decisive measures. I shall be perfectly satisfied if 
you keep clear of a misfortune ; for though I wish you laurels, I am 
unwilHng to expose the common cause, to give you an opportunity to 
acquire them. 

As the rivers are subject to sudden and great swells, you must be careful 
that the enemy do not take a position to gain your rear, when you can 
neither retreat by your flanks or your front. The Pedee rose twenty- 
five feet last week in thirty hours. I am preparing boats to move always 
with the army ; would one or two be of use to you ? They will be put oa 
four wheels, and made to move with little more difficulty than a loaded 
w^agon. 

Gen Davidson is desired to receive orders, and in conjunction with Gen. 

Sumter, to consult with you a plan for a combined attack upon one of the 

divisions of Lord Cornwallis's army, and also respecting your movements 

into Georgia. 

I am, with great esteem, &c., 

Nathaniel Greene. 
Gen. Morgan. 

These, and the preceding letters from Greene to Morgan, will 
enable the reader to arrive without difficulty at the real causes 
which led to the battle of the Covvpens. 

On crossing the Pacolet, Tarleton had taken possession of some 
log houses which stood near the ford, and which were constructed 
some months before with a view to defence by Major Ferguson. 
Still supposing that Morgan was in his neighborhood in force, 
and believing that he would be attacked as soon as his passage of 
the river became known, he made active preparations for a defence. 
He was busied in availing himself of the advantages which the 
log houses would afford his troops in case of an assault, when he 
•was informed that Morgan had decamped some time previously, 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 289 

and was then in full march to\7ards Broad river. Hereupon he 
ordered his light troops to occupy the deserted encampment; 
parties of patrols and spies, under the protection of a large 
detachment of dragoons, were directed to follow and observe the 
Americans ; the main body in the meanwhile enjoyed a few 
hours of repose, preparatory to a rapid forward movement, to be 
made in the path of the fugitives.* 

The manifold successes of Tarleton during the revolutionary 
war, while they fully established his claims to courage, also 
displayed its distinctive character. This seems to have borne a 
stronger affinity to the ferocity of the bloodhound than to the 
bravery of the bull-dog, and to have been more thoroughly 
aroused by the flight of an enemy than by his opposition. And 
herein, it may be remarked, will be found a striking point of 
contrast between Morgan and Tarleton. While Morgan presented, 
or appeared to present, a menacing aspect, Tarleton was as 
circumspect in his movements as the most prudent officer could 
desire. But the moment Morgan appeared to fly from him, he 
forgot his caution as well as his cooperative arrangements with 
Cornwallis, and dazzled with the eclat of an anticipated triumph 
over the war-worn hero of Saratoga, rushed hotly forward in 
pursuit. 

The determination taken by Morgan, upon learning that lie 
was pursued, was equally characteristic. As his retreat filled his 
adversary with the desire to overtake and grapple with him, in 
like manner the pursuit rendered him the more eager to meet the 
struggle. T3ut thoughts more worthy of a commander coincided 
with the impulses of his invincible spirit to bring him to the reso- 
lution of giving Tarleton battle. It was now quite apparent that 
the latter would oppose his passage of Broad river ; f and should 
the movements of Cornwallis render this step necessary, to 
attempt it in the face of an officer so active and enterprising, 
would inevitably be attended by the most disastrous consequences. 

* Tarleton's Campaign, p. 214. t Ibid. 214. 

13 



290 THE LIFE OF 

It was equally apparent that he could not much longer hold his 
ground ; and when a retreat was forced upon him, the safety of 
his corps and the public good alike required that he should aim 
at a junction with the main body. Should he attempt to seek 
safety in immediate flight, the militia, many of whom fought 
under the certainty of execution in case of capture, would desert 
him in hundreds, while his regular troops, thus left without 
support, harassed by forced marches, and dispirited by pursuit 
and the apprehension of capture, would fall an easy prey upon 
being overtaken. 

The obligation to fight had become imperative; safety was 
only to be found in a battle. And in truth, the circumstances by 
which he was more immediately surrounded, all tended to encour- 
age him to incur the risk. On the night following his arrival at 
the Cowpens, he was joined by Col. Pickens, who, after a short 
absence, returned with a body of about one hundred and fifty 
militia, from the north side of Broad river. Others, he was 
informed, were on the march from various points, in considerable 
numbers, to join him, many of whom were expected to arrive 
before morning. During the night, small parties, altogether to 
the number of about fifty more, reached the camp. The troops 
under his command were worthy of his utmost confidence, and 
they enjoyed it. His infantry was the flower of the gallant 
brigade of Mary landers, who, in the disastrous battle of Camden, 
drove the British left wing before them at the point of the 
bayonet. A more effective corps of cavalry, considering its 
numbers, than that commanded by Colonel Washington, was not 
to be found in the country. Those of the Virginia militia who 
were not practised marksmen, skilled in the warfare of the woods, 
were experienced soldiers, who, having served one or more terms 
in the continental army, were now the substitutes of those who 
had been drafted in Virginia for militia duty. Ilis ofiicers were 
equally worthy of the trust reposed in them. Such men as 
Howard, Washington, Brooks, Giles, Triplett, Pickens, Jackson, 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 291 

Cunningham, and McDowell, are seldom met together on the 
same field. Officers and men were alike full of confidence in 
their ability to cope with any body of the enemy, not too greatly 
their superior in numbers ; and their late success over the tories 
had put them in high spirits, and rendered them eager for an 
encounter with a nobler adversary. 

The nature and strength of Tarleton's force had been accu- 
rately made known to Morgan. Its great numerical superiority, 
which embraced twice his number of infantry, and three times 
his strength in cavalry, with the important addition of artillery, 
were fearful odds to contend against. But great as were these 
advantages, they might, he confidently believed, be counterbal- 
anced by those secured to him in the choice of position, his defen- 
sive attitude, and the efficiency and spirit of his forces. He had 
set against the enemy's great superiority in bayonets and sabres, 
the deadly rifles of his militia, who, full of zeal in the cause, and 
rendered desperate by personal wrongs, were for the most part in 
that state of feeling when militia becomes truly formidable. 

Among the other presages of success which presented them- 
selves to his mind, were those springing from the errors into 
which, he anticipated, Tarleton would be betrayed, by a blind 
confidence in himself, and a contempt for what he now supposed 
was a flying adversary. 

Finally, he learned that Cornwallis was still at Turkey creek, 
awaiting Leslie's arrival. 

The announcement of Morgan's intention to meet the enemy 
took the army by surprise, and was received with lively demon- 
strations of joy. The necessary preparations were accordingly 
made. The first measure taken by Morgan had for its object the 
strengthening of his cavalry corps. The powerful array of horse 
which Tarleton was about bringing against him rendered an 
increase of his cavalry force a matter of the greatest importance. 
Volunteers for this description of service were consequently 
demanded. Forty-five men immediately stepped forward. These 



292 THE LIFE OF 

having been equipped, were organized into a cavalry corps of two 
cocQpanies ; the one commanded by Major McCall, the other uy 
Major Jolly; the whole under the command of McCall*, and 
subject to the direction of Col. Washington. A number of 
patrolling parties were sent in different directions on the flanks 
and in the front, to watch the movements of the enemy, and 
guard against stratagem or surprise. The baggage was directed 
to proceed at daylight a few miles in the direction of Broad river, 
and then to halt for further orders. Expresses were sent 
towards the different bodies of militia which were on the way to 
join the army, with orders to hasten their march. The troops 
were dismissed to seek rest and refreshment in repose, before 
they were called to battle, on the dispositions for which Morgan 
now deliberated in a council of his principal officers. 

Although Morgan had no very exalted opinion of militia, few 
officers were more popular with this description of troops, or 
could obtain more efficient service from them. Irreconcilable as 
these facts may appear, a multitude of instances could be cited, 
proving that such was the case. He was indebted to this influ- 
ence to a number of causes, among which may be included his 
large martial figure, his established reputation for judgment and 
courage, his almost unvarying success, and his easy familiar man- 
ners. The officer who possesses all these qualifications, seldom 
fails of subjecting to his will the minds and hearts of his soldiery. 
An anecdote is told by Major Thomas Young, a volunteer at the 
battle of the Cowpens, which illustrates one of the methods by 
which Morgan inspired his men with a portion of his own coui-age 
and confidence. " The evening previous to the battle," the Major 
goes on to say, " he went among the volunteers, helped them to 
fix their swords, joked with them about their sweethearts, and 
told them to keep in good spirits, and the day would be ours. 
Long after I laid down, he was going about among the soldiers, 
encouraging them, and telling them that the 'Old Wagoner 

♦Major Thomas Young. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 293 

would crack his whip over Ben (Tarleton) in the morning, as 
sure as he lived. 'Just hold up your heads, boys,' he would saj; 
' three fires, and you are fi'ee ! And then, when you return to 
your homes, how the old folks will bless you, and the girls kiss 
you, for your gallant conduct.' I don't think that he slept a 
wink that night."* 

The next morning, at three o'clock, Tarleton, having called in his 
pickets, and directed his baggage to remain on the ground till day- 
break, put his troops in motion towards Morgan's position. Three 
companies of light infantry, supported by the legion infantry, formed 
the^dvance ; the 7th regiment, the artillery and the first battalion 
of the 71st, composed the centre; and the cavalry and mounted 
infantry brought up the rear. The morning being exceedingly dark, 
and the road much broken and frequently intersected by creeks^ and 
ravines, the progress of the troops was very slow. Before dawn, 
Thicketty creek was passed, an advanced guard of the cavalry 
was ordered to the front. A few minutes after, one of Morgan's 
patrolling parties discovered tlie advancing foe. The party imme- 
diately returned to report; but it was pursued by the British 
cavalry, and after a short running fight, a few on both sides were 
wounded, and one of the Americans made prisoner. Two troops 
of the legion cavalry were then ordered to reinforce the British 
advanced guard, and to push forward and harass the rear of the 
Americans, who, up to this moment, were supposed to be on the 
retreat. This order had hardly been issued, when it was reported 
to Tarleton that the Americans were discovered in front, and 
moreover, that they were evidently preparing for battle.f 

Some time before daylight, Morgan had been apprised of the 
enemy's approach, and in a few minutes afterwards, tlie American 
camp was in motion. The troops having breakfasted, were 
promptly formed, and led to the position which had been deter- 
mined upon This was a piece of ground about six miles from 
Broad river, and known by the name of the Cowpens. This 

♦Orion, vol. iii., p. 88. tTarleton's Campaign, pp. 214, 215. 



294: THE LIFE OF 

name has since given place to another ; but the spot is associated 
with events too important, recollections too glorious, to counte- 
nance a fear that its identity will ever be lost. In the early set- 
tlement of this part of the country vi^as a place of considerable 
notoriety, from a trading path with the Cherokees which passed 
by it. In the early grants of land in that neighborhood, it was 
called Hannah's Cowpens, it being part of the grazing establish- 
ment of a person named Hannah.* In time it became known as 
the Cowpens, and is now occupied by the iron works of Messrs. 
Hampton and Elmore, in Spartansburg District, South Carolina. 
The position extended from front to rear about five hundred 
yards, and w^as crossed by two eminences, the first of which, 
gently ascending and sti'etching to the right and left, attained its 
highest point about three hundred yards from the front. The 
ground then descended for about eighty yards, when it gradually 
rose into the second eminence. The position was far from the 
neighborhood of swamps, and in a country free from underbrush 
and covered with an ordinary growth of pine trees. 

The disposition of the troops was going forward, when the near 
approach of the enemy was announced by Capt. Inman, of the 
Georgia militia, who, at the head of the patrolling party already 
alluded to, had just returned from the running fight with a 
body of Tarleton's cavalry.f This intelligence lent additional fire 
to the happy spirit which evidently animated the troops, and with 
joy Morgan plainly saw victory foreshadowed in their assured 
looks and confident bearing. 

Many that have written in relation to this battle, have greatly 
overrated the numbers of the Americans who were enp-ao-ed on 

o o 

this occasion. Tarleton puts them down at something in the 
neighborhood of two thousand ; and other authors, whose motives 
for exaggeration are less impeachable, state them at about one 
thousand men. Both of these estimates are beyond the mark, 

♦Johnson's Greene, vol, )., p, 877. 

t Gen. Jas. Jackson's letter, Jan. 20, 1795. See appendix, D. 



GENERAL DAKIEL MORGAN. 295 

Besides that furnished in the letters of Morgan himself, there is 
abundant evidence to show, that the whole number of his forces 
engaged did not much exceed eight hundred. It is true, his 
entire command, including all the militia that arrived previous to 
the battle, would appear to be about nine hundred and eighty 
men, if army returns and muster rolls were alone consulted. But 
every one acquainted with military affairs knows that such evi- 
dences of strength always exceed the reality. A number of his 
regulars were sick at the time, and many of the militia were 
absent. One detachment had been sent off with the baggage, 
another had gone to Salisbury in charge of prisoners, and a third 
guarded the horses of the militia. Besides, after the retreat of 
the militia from the front line, several of them never again 
appeared in the field, and a few mounted their horses and fled 
from the ground. Such men should not be permitted to lesson 
the glory of the achievement, by sharing in the honors of the 
victors as well as diminishing the mortification of the vanquished. 
The forces eno-aored in the battle under Moro-an did not exceed 
eight hundred and fifty men. 

Near the brow of the main eminence, Morgan placed his best 
troops. Howard's battalion of light infantry, numbering two 
hundred and eighty men, took position in the centre of the line. 
The Virginia militia, under Major Ti-iplett and Captain Gilmore, 
formed on the left of the light infantry ; and the Augusta rifle- 
men, commanded by Captains Tate and Buchanan, took post on 
their right flank. The nominal battalion which these four com- 
panies composed, numbered about one hundred and twenty men, 
and was commanded by Major Triplett. The line thus formed, 
was placed under the direction of Lieut. Col. Howard, and con- 
sisted of about four hundred men. Upon it Morgan chiefly 
relied in the approaching conflict. 

Upon the second eminence, being about one hundred and fifty 
yards in the rear of the main body, Colonel Washington was 
posted with his cavalry. The corps under this officer's immedi 



296 THE LIFE OF 

ate command numbered about eiglity men. The addition of 
Major McCall's corps of volunteers, gave, however, a very effec- 
tive cavahy force of one hundred and twenty men. 

One hundred and fifty yards in advance of the regular force, 
the militia, in all about three hundred and fifty strong, were 
formed in open order, their line extending from right to left, 
about 300 yards. Fronting the main body were posted the 
Georgians and North Carolinians ; the first, commanded by Major 
Cunningham, aided by Col. James Jackson, to the left ; and the 
second, under Major McDowell, to the right. On the right of 
Major McDowell, Colonels Brannen and Thomas, of the South 
Carolina militia, took post; and on the left of Major Cunningham, 
Colonels Hays and McCall, also at the head of the South 
Carolinians, were stationed. 

These dispositions having been made, Major McDowell, with 
about 60 picked men of his command, and Major Cunningham, 
with a like number of Georgians, all having been selected with 
reference to their courage and their skill as marksmen, were 
advanced about one hundred yards. Here they were extended in 
loose order along the front, Cunningham on the left, and McDowell 
on the right. 

In the rear of the cavalry, the horses of the militia were 
secured by the boughs of a grove of young pines, saddled and 
bridled, and ready for immediate use, as the issue of the conflict 
might determine. 

These arrangements had hardly been completed, when the 
advance of the British appeared some distance in front; and a 
few minutes afterwards, it became evident that they contemplated 
an immediate attack. 

With this departed the last vestige of anxiety from Morgan's 
mind. Delay was the policy which Tarleton should have adopted, 
but which Morgan deprecated above all things, save defeat. It 
might have led to those consequences which were aimed at by 
the joint movements of Cornwallis and Tarleton, in spite of all the 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 297 

eflfoits which Morgan would have made to avoid them. It cer- 
tainly would have had a most unfavorable effect upon the spirits 
of his troops, who were now wrought up to a pitch of enthusiasm 
which rendered them formidable adversaries. It relieved Morgan 
from the apprehension of being compelled, either to fight at every 
disadvantage, or to retreat in a direction which threatened him 
with the starvation or dispersion of his troops. 

While the enemy were forming their line of battle, he availed 
himself of the short but awful period which preceded the strife 
to give to the respective lines of his army the necessary directions, 
and to make a final appeal to their courage and patriotism. 

Riding up to the marksmen in the front line, he directed them 
to take the cover of the trees, and upon the advance of the 
enemy's line within good shooting distance, to show whether they 
were entitled to the reputation of brave men and good shots. 
They were directed to retire as the enemy advanced, seeking 
shelter from the trees, as opportunity might offer, loading and 
firing until they reached the main body of the militia, with 
whom they were then to act. The disposition of this line, the 
right being composed of Georgians, and the left of Carolinians, 
was adopted by Morgan with the view of exciting a spirit of 
rivalry, which might add to the eftectiveness and spirit of the 
whole. " Let me see," said Morgan, as he turned from this line, 
" which are most entitled to the credit of brave men, the boys of 
Carolina or those of Georgia." 

To the main body of the militia he now addressed himself. 
lie ordered them to reserve their fire until the enemy approached 
within fifty yards, when, after delivering two well-directed rounds, 
they were to retire in good order, and take position on the left of 
the line in the rear, firing by regiments as they fell back. 
These and other directions for the regulation of their conduct 
having been given, he addressed them with a few observations 
well calculated to increase their confidence and courage. He 
complimented them upon the spirit which they had so frequently 

i3* 



298 THE LIFE OF 

displayed, under all the disadvantages which attend militia when 
contending alone against regular troops, and expressed his fervent 
hopes that upon this occasion they would add to the reputation 
they already enjoyed. Although required to contend against 
cavalry and infantry, he reminded them that they were also sup- 
ported by similar troops, but of a quality far superior, who would 
afford them ample protection. He asked but an ordinary display 
of manhood on their part to render victory certain ; frankly 
declaring, at the same time, that flight would but ensure their 
destruction, while safety as well as advantage and honor were to 
be found only in a determined resistance. For himself, he said, 
he had not a doubt of the result, if they performed their simple 
duty. He glanced at a few of those brilliant engagements, in 
which, at the head of his glorious rifle regiment, he told them, he 
had humbled foes far more formidable than the one now before 
him, and expressed the mortification he had experienced at hav- 
ing been compelled, in obedience to orders, to avoid grappling 
with an opponent whom he felt satisfied he could crush whenever 
he chose. Closing his remarks to this line with a repetition of 
his orders, and an exhortation to obey them with firmness, he 
proceeded to the line formed by his regular troops. 

His remarks to the Continentals and militia which composed 
this line were very brief, and chiefly consisted in giving his orders 
and explaining those already issued. This body needed not the 
stimulus of spirit-stirring speeches to fit them for the performance 
of any achievement within the reach of well-disciplined courage, 
regulated and directed by judgment and experience. He pre- 
pared them for the retreat of the militia, by repeating the orders 
he had given to that portion of his force ; and explained the 
objects he sought to accomplish by the manoeuvre. He directed 
them to fire low and deliberately, not to break on any account, 
and if forced to retire, to rally on the eminence in their reai^, 
whei-e, supported by the cavalry and militia, defeat he regarded 
as impossible. He reminded them of their former achievements, 



GENEEAL DANIEL MOKGAN. 299 

and of the confidence he had always evinced in their well tried 
valor and discipline, and concluded by declaring that upon them 
the fortune of the day and his hopes of glory depended. 

Orders were dispatched to Colonel Washington, whose corps 
of cavalry was held in reserve upon the eminence in the rear, to 
assist in rallying the militia should they fly, and to protect them 
should they be pursued. He was likewise directed to protect the 
horses of the militia, and to hold himself in readiness to act as 
the emergencies of the day might require. The position occupied 
by the cavalry was admirably chosen. The eminence in their 
front, and the gradual descent beyond it, secured them from the 
enemy's fire, without withholding from them a horseback view of 
the field of battle, for some distance in front of the main line. It 
furnished, besides, a secure rallying point for the militia, as the 
events of the day proved. 

Every preparation having been made, Morgan took post in the 
rear of the main line, and composedly awaited the approach of 
of the enemy. 

The British, in the meanwhile, having advanced within four 
hundred yards of the American lines, halted and commenced the 
preparations for an attack. Tarleton moved forward with a small 
party to ascertain the strength and disposition of his opponents ; 
but a few shots from the front line convinced him that the service 
was actended with too much danger to be persevered in. A body 
'^f cavalry was accordingly directed to charge the line, and drive 
it in upon its supporters under Pickens.* Cunningham and 
McDowell strictly obeyed the orders they had received. Their 
men retired slowly, keeping up a desultory but eflective fire, and 
at length fell into the second line, after having unhorsed fifteen of 
their assailants. 

On the return of the British cavalry, it was intended that 
McDowell and Cunningham should resume their position in the 
front. Before this could be eftected, however, Tarleton'a artilleri^ 

f Tarleton, p. 215. 



800 THE LIFE OF 

Lad opened a warm iBre, under cover of which his right wing had 
formed, and was advancing. It was therefore determined that 
the militia should remain together, and meet the enemy in 
a body. 

The light and legion infantry of Tarleton's troops, having dis- 
encumbered themselves of everything except their arms and 
ammunition, formed on the right ; and under the fire of a three- 
pounder, which was placed on their left, advanced to within three 
hundred yards of the line of the militia. The seventh regiment, 
led by Major Newmarsh, formed on the left of the light infantry, 
and the other three-pounder was placed between its right and 
left divisions, A captain Avith fifty dragoons was stationed on 
each flank. This completed the dispositions of the line. The 
first battalion of the seventy-first infantry, under the command of 
Major McArthur, and two hundred of the legion cavalry, were 
posted about one hundred and fifty yards in the rear, of the left 
wing, and composed the reserve.* 

These dispositions were no sooner completed, than Tarleton, 
taking his post in the rear, ordered the line to move forward. 

Under the fire of their guns, the British steadily advanced until 
within about one hundred yards of the American front, when the 
militia opened a close and deadly fire upon them. The effect of 
this and the succeeding discharges told heavily upon their ranks, 
but particularly so upon their oflScers, not one of whom made 
himself conspicuous, that was not brought to the ground. This 
was immediately seen in the disorder which pervaded their line, 
and the slackened pace of their advance. The militia behaved 
nobly ; they did more than was required of them, and for a time, 
manifested a disposition to dispute the farther progress of their 
opponents. B*ut the conduct of the British equally evinced 
courage and discipline ; and although having already suffered a 
heavy loss, they still pressed forward in the f^ice of the deadly 
fire. It was not until they had advanced to within one hundred 

* Tarleton's Campaign, p. 216. 

/ 
/ 



GENERAL DANIEL MOKGAN. 801 

and fifty yards of the main line, that the militia, who had retired 
facing them and firing, at length broke, and in obedience to 
orders, made for the American left. Before Pickens could bring 
his men to order at this point, however, they were charged by the 
cavalry posted on the British right, and being forced to give way, 
sought protection from the reserve behind the hill, whither they 
were closely pursued. 

On the flight of the militia, the British, deeming the victory 
already secured, set up a deafening shout, and advanced with 
accelerated, but uneven, pace towards the main line. The latter, 
as soon as the militia had passed along their front to the left, 
opened their fire ; and now commenced the deadly struggle. For 
fifteen minutes the contest was maintained at this point with the 
greatest obstinacy, and was attended with great execution on both 
sides. The Americans held their ground, as if rooted to the spot, 
and rapidly delivered their fire. The British evidently hesitated ; 
their advance became slower every minute, until at length, ceasing 
altogether, and indications of a disposition to retire making them- 
selves manifest, Tarleton ordered the reserve infantry and cavalry 
into action, the first to take post on the left, while the latter was 
to cooperate by attacking the American right.* 

Morgan hailed the indications, furnished by this movement, of 
the enemy's failing strength or spirit, as omens of approaching 
victory, and communicated his thoughts to his men. But the 
advance into line of the reserve infantry re-animated the British, 
who again moved forward ; while their cavalry, taking a wide 
sweep to the left, was evidently preparing to attack the American 
right flank. 

At this moment, that portion of the British horse, which had 
followed the miliiia in their retreat, flew past the American left, 
hotly pursned by Washingtpn's cavalry ; while the militia, having 
rallied and re-formed behind the hill, appeared, with the 
redoubtable Pickens at their head, moving up to the support of 
the American right. 

* Tarleton's Campaign, p. 216. 



302 THE LIFE OF 

The British line still advancino-, their left, which extended some 
distance beyond the American right, now threatened the latter 
with a tiauk attack. At the same time their reserve cavalry was 
preparing to charge iu the same direction. These manoeuvres, 
unless promptly provided against, would have had an important 
intluence on the issue of the conflict, and already they were in 
operation. The moment was critical, the danger imminent ; but 
Morgan was equal to the emergency. Perceiving his cavalry 
returning from the pursuit of the British detachment of horse 
and resuming their position in the rear, he dispatched Col. 
Brannon with orders to Col. Washina;ton to charo-e the British 
cavalry, before they effected their object on his right flank. He 
then galloped down to the militia, and exhorted them to lose no 
time in advancing and opening their fire upon the enemy's 
left. 

In the meantime. Col. Howard became apprehensive for the 
safety of his right flank. Until the cavalry and militia could be 
brouofht to its assistance, a chana:e of its front suo-g-ested itself to 
his mind as the means best calculated to hold the enemy tempo- 
rarily in check. The flank company was accordingly ordered to 
perform the evolution, which would have placed its line at right 
angles with that of the main body. But from a misunderstanding 
of the officer's orders, the men, after coming to the right about, 
instead of wheeling to the right, marched strait forward. From 
a belief thnt a retreat to the hill in the rear had been ordered, the 
misconception quickly communicated itself to the whole line, 
which now followed the example of the flank company, faced 
about, and moved in that direction. 

This movement, which at first threatened the Americans with 
lefeat, served ultimately but to render their victory the more 
iplendid and decisive. Howard's first impulse was to rectify the 
mistake. Instantly struck, however, with the superiority of a 
retrograde movement of the whole line, over a change of fronton 
kis rioht flank in wardiup- oft' the embarrassments of the moment, 
and rendered confident by the admirable deportment of the men. 



GENEEAL DANIEL MORGAN. 303 

who marched as steadily as if on parade, he allowed the movement 
to proceed. 

The line was thus in full retreat, when Morgan returned to it 
from the militia. Under feelings of astonishment and alarm, he 
immediately rode up to Col. Howard, who briefly explained to 
him the cause of the movement, and at the same time removed 
the apprehensions he expressed for the event by pointing to the 
line and observing " that men were not beaten who retreated in 
that order." He was instantly re-assured, and at once determined 
upon the measures which the exigency required. Directing 
Howard to ride along the line and to order the officers to halt 
and face about the moment the word to that effect was given, 
Morgan rode forward to fix on the spot where the line should 
asfain be brouo-ht into action.* 

A.t this crisis in the contest, the militia having again come into 
action, opened a galling fire upon Mc Arthur's battalion, forcing 
it not only to forego its attempts upon the American right, but 
to retire some distance. At the same moment, Washington 
made a furious onset upon the British cavalry, just as they were 
in the act of charging the Americans in flank. Dashing com- 
pletely through their column at the first encounter, he quickly 
wheeled and charged on them again with terrible eftect.f This 
attack was the more successful, as it was in a measure unexpected. 
It resulted in the immediate dispersion of the main body of the 
enemy's cavalry, which thereafter took no part in the action. 

The moment had nearly arrived when Morgan intended renew- 
iiig the conflict, when he received a message from Col. Washing- 
ton, who, having advanced some distance in pursuit of the enemy's 
cavalry, was now on the left flank of the advancing British, and 
beheld the confusion which prevailed in their ranks. " They are 
coming on like a mob ; give them a fire and I will charge them," 
were the words of this message. The American line had descended 
the rear of the eminence on which the action began, and com 

Col. Howard. t Major Young. Orion, vol. iii., p. 100. 



304 THE LIFE OF 

menced the ascent on which the cavalry had been posted, when 
the order to halt and turn upon the enemy flew from right to 
left. " Face about, boys ! give them one good fire, and the vic- 
tory is ours !" was reiterated by Morgan as he galloped along the 
line. The order was promptly obeyed.* 

At this period, the enemy, confident of victory, and unappre- 
hensive of further resistance, were rushing on in the most impetu- 
ous and disorderly manner, and had approached within thirty or 
forty yards of the American line. Stunned by this unexpected 
and terrible fire, they instantly recoiled ; and before they recov- 
ered from the shock, Howard's order to " charge," which mingled 
■with the reverberations of the musquetry, brought the American 
bayonets to their breasts. 

A few minutes before, there was room for their escape by 
flight. But the defeat and dispersion of their horse left them 
without protection ; and Washington, now in their rear, was 
advancing with his cavalry upon them at full speed. The greater 
part of the Vth regiment immediately threw down their arms, and 
prostrated themselves upon the ground in token of submission. 
The light and legion infantry also flung away their arms and fled 
towards the road. But they were speedily overtaken by the 
volunteer cavalry, and with the exception of a few, sujTendered, 
about two hundred yards from the ground.* 

At the feet of our troops, suppliants for mercy, were now the 
men who had seldom shown mercy to an American under similar 
circumstances. Furious at the recollection of their manifold 
cruelties, the cry of "Tarleton's quarters," resounded from one 
end of the American line to the other. The work of slaughter 
was about commencing, when Morgan, Howard, and the Ameri- 
can officers generally, interposed in behalf of the vanquished foe. 
Happily for the honor of our arms, they succeeded in preventing 
a general massacre.f 

The eagerness of the enemy's advance threw their artillery 

* Major Young. t Johnson's Greene, vol. i., pp. 881, 882 



GENERAL DANIEL MOKGAN. 305 

some paces in the rear. When the fire of the American line, 
and its subsequent charge, forced them to recoil, the pieces were 
again brought into the front. One of these was captured by 
Captain Anderson, and the other by Captain Kirkwood. The 
detachment of royal artillery, which served the guns, bravely 
attempted to bear them off. It was, however, speedily overpow- 
ered.* 

The only part of the field where the contest was still main- 
tained, was on the American right, between the militia and 
Major McArthur's battalion. The latter, deserted by the cavalry, 
and fiercely assailed in front and on the flank by Pickens and his 
men, were falling back, in the vain hope of hek-ig able to extricate 
themselves from the fate which had already befallen their com- 
panions of the line. Up to this moment they had preserved 
order in their ranks, and manfully maintained the unequal 
contest with the entire militia force, when Howard wheeled upon 
them with the right wing of the American line. This movement 
immediately threw them into confusion, upon which the militia 
rushed forward, and were soon engaged in a hand-to-hand 
combat. Col. Jackson seized the colors of the regiment; but 
failing to secure them, he pushed on at the head of his 
Georgians, and succeeded in taking Major McArthur prisoner.f 
Broken and dispirited, deserted by their friends and surrounded 
by their enemies, the men of the battalion responded to Howard's 
summons to surrender by grounding their arms. Col. Pickens 
received their commander's sword, and the militia took charge of 
the prisoners. 

Tarleton, in the meantime, had been endeavoring to induce the 
cavalry of his legion to advance and cover Mc' Arthur's retreat, 
and that of such of the fugitives as had escaped from the field. 
Failing in this, he advanced at the head of his detachment of 
the lYth dragoons, accompanied by fourteen oflScers, principally 
of the legion cavalry, with the object of bearing off the artillery.J 

Col. Howard. t Letter from Gen. James Jackson. See Appendix. 

t Tarleton's Camp., pp. 217, 218. 



306 " THELIFEOF 

ApproaeliiDg near the ground, and observing that he had arrived 
too Lite, he wheeled to retire. Col. Washington had just effected 
his brilliant charge upon the British line, and was aiding at the 
time in securing the prisoners, when the dragoons were noticed. 
Rightly conjecturing that Tarleton was to be found Avith this 
body of the enem}-, and burning with the desire to crown the 
glory of the day by his capture, Washington commanded a 
pursuit. Dashing forward at full speed, he not only boon over- 
took the retreating foe, but placed himself far in advance of his 
troops who followed. Unfortunately, in the confusion of the 
moment, a few only of his command heard and obeyed his orders 
to follow him. Upon his near approach, Tarleton and two of his 
officers, who brought up the rear of their party, wheeled about 
and made a charge on him. Nothing daunted, he struck at the 
first that approached, being the officer on Tarleton's right ; but 
the encounter of their swords proved the inferiority of that 
wielded by Washington, which broke near the hilt. The British 
officer now rose in his stirrups to give vigor to the blow which 
was intended to cut Washington down. But at this critical 
moment, a lad named Collin, who attended on and was much 
attached to Washington, rode up, and discharging the contents 
of one of his pistols in the officer's shoulder, the uplifted arm fell 
powerless. The other officer also made a cut at Washington 
now rendered defenceless. But this attack was rendered as 
abortive as the first by the opportune arrival of Sergeant Major 
Perry, who parried the blow and gave one in return, which took 
effect in the officer's sword arm. Tarleton hereupon pushed 
forward and made a thrust at Washington, which the latter 
parried with the remains of his sword. The close approach of 
the American cavalry now admonishing Washington's assailants 
of the danger of longer delaying to rejoin their retreating 
troopers, they decamped at full speed, Tarleton taking a parting 
shot at Washington, whose horse received the ball* 

Great as were the advantages thus far obtained by the Ame^J 

* MSS. Johnson's Greene, vol. i., p. 882 ; Howard ; Dr. HiU. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 307 

can arms over the enemy, there were others yet to be reapel 
which were well worth the gathering. A large body of the 
legion cavalry, and a number of the infantry had escaped, and 
that portion of Tarleton's baggage as yet free from capture, was 
but a few miles distant on the route of the fugitives. Morgan 
dispatched his cavalry and a large body of mounted militia in 
pursuit. 

Tarleton lost no time in his retreat ; and to the celerity of his 
movements, and the error of his pursuers in taking the wrong 
road, he was undoubtedly indebted for his escape. After pushing 
forward a few miles he reached his baggage wagons. The 
baggage guard, having been informed that the battle had termi- 
nated in the destruction of their commander, abandoned their 
charge on the road, and mounting the wagon horses, fled towards 
Cornwallis's encampment at Turkey Creek. A body of tories, 
who were attached to Tarleton's command, and had been 
employed by him as guides and spi^s, were busily employed in 
appropriating the contents of the wagons to their own use, when 
he unexpectedly appeared among them. Supposing them to be 
whigs, he charged on them with his troop of cavalry, and killing a 
number, dispersed the rest.* A short time was spent in destroy- 
ing what remained of the baggage, when he resumed his march. 
He reached Broad river at Hamilton's ford the same evening, and 
crossing to the opposite bank, encamped for the night. 

The legion cavalry had crossed at this point some time before, 
and succeeded in reaching Cornwallis's encampment the same 
night. 

The pursuit was continued for more than twenty miles, and did 
not cease till the day was drawing to a close. Unfortunately, it 
took a wrong direction, almost from the outset, one of the roads 
leading to the Pacolet being followed by the Americans instead 
of that taken by the British towards Broad river. Although 
every effort was made, after the discovery of the mistake, to 

♦ Johnson's Greene., vol, i., p. 385. * Tarleton's Campaign, 21S. 



308 THE LIFE OF 

recover the lost time, the fugitives had gained too much ground 
to be overtaken. But the service, although baffled in its main 
object, was by no means unproductive of advantages. Washing- 
ton at length gave over the pursuit, and on his return, sweeping 
the country on each side of his route, succeeded in capturing and 
bringing into the American camp nearly one hundred more prison- 
ers. 

The action commenced about 1 o'clock in the morning, and 
continued for nearly an hour. Its glorious results may now bti 
briefly summed up. 

The American loss was astonishingly small, when compared 
Avith that of the enemy. Twelve were killed and sixty-one 
wounded ; no officer of rank was among either. This loss was 
chiefly sustained by the continental troops, and particularly by the 
flank companies, posted on the right of the main line. 

The loss of the British was admitted by their own accounts to be 
upwards of one hundred and fiifty killed and wounded, besides four 
hundred taken prisoners.* This is far below the correct number, 
however. Morgan estimated their loss at one hundred and ten 
killed, two hundred wounded, and five hundred and two prisoners. 
But as will be seen in his account of the afi"air, he does not 
pretend to accuracy ; and while it is probable that he overrated 
the number of killed and wounded, he is certainly under the 
mark as regards the prisoners. An examination of all the 
sources of information on this point will establish the fact, that at 
least eighty were killed, ten of whom were officers, and one 
hundred and fifty wounded, while the prisoners, including those 
taken by Washington's and other detached parties after the 
battle, amounted to full six hundred men. Twenty-seven com- 
missioned officers were also taken, and subsequently released on 
parole. 

The trophies of victory were tAvo stands of colors, two three- 
pounders, eigbt hundred muskets, thirty-five wagons, wdth the 

* Tarleton's Campaign, p. 218. 



GENEEAL DANIEL MORGAN. 309 

baggage of the seventli regiment, sixty negroes, one hundred 
cavalry horses, one travelling foi-ge, and all the enemy's music. 

The official account* of this action may here be appropriately 
ntroduced. The letter, of which the following is an abridgment, 
vas written by Morgan to Gen. Greene, while the former was on 
his retreat from the field of the Cowpens. 

Camp near Cain Creek, Jan. 19, 1781. 

Dear Sir : The troops I have the honor to command have gained a 
complete victory over a detachment from the British army commanded by 
Lieut. Col. Tarleton. The action happened on the llth inst., about 
sunrise, at a place called the Cowpens, near Pacolet river. 

On the 14th, having received certain information that the British array 
were in motion, and that their movements clearly indicated their inten- 
tions of dislodging us, I abandoned my encampment at Grindale's Ford, 
and on the 16th, in the evening, took possession of a post about seven 
miles from the Cherokee Ford on Broad river. My former position 
subjected me at once to the operations of Lord Cornwalhs and Colonel 
Tarleton, and in case of a defeat, my retreat might easily have been cut 
off. My situation at the Cowpens enabled me to improve any advantages 
I might gain, and to provide better for my own security, should I be 
unfortunate. These reasons induced me to take this post, notwithstanding 
it had the appearance of a retreat. On the evening of the 16th, the 
enemy occupied the ground we removed from in the morning. An ho. - 
before dayhght, one of my scouts informed me that they had advanced 
within five miles of our camp. On this information, the necessary disp 
sitions were made ; and from the alacrity of the troops, we were sO' 
prepared to receive them. 

The light infantry, commanded by Lieut. Col. Howard, and the Virginia 
mihtia, under Major Triplett, were formed on a rising ground. The third 
regiment of dragoons, consisting of eighty men under the command of 
Lieut. Col. Washington, were so posted in their rear as not to be injured 
by the enemy's fire, and yet be able to charge the enemy, should an 
occasion offer. The volunteers from North Carolina, South CaroUna and 
Georgia, under the command of Col. Pickens, were posted to guard the 
flanks. Major McDowell, of the North Carolina volunteers, was posted on 
tlie right flank, in front of the line one hundred and fifty yards, and Major 
Cunningham, of the Georgia volunteers, on the left, at the same distance 

* For the original report of the action at the Cowpens, see Appendix 



310 THE LIFE OF 

in front. Colonels Branner and Thomas, of the South Carolinians, on the 
right of Major McDowell, and Col. Hays and McCall, of the same corps, on 
the left of Major Cunningham. Captains Tate and Buchannan with the 
Augusta riflemen were to support the right of the line. The enemy drew 
up in one hne four hundred yards in front of our advanced corps. The 
1st battalion of the 'list regiment was opposed to our right; the 7th regi- 
ment to our left ; the legion infantry to our centre, and two light compa- 
nies, one hundred men each, on the flanks. In their front moved on two 
field pieces, and Lieut. Col. Tarleton with two hundred and eighty cavalry, 
was posted in the rear of his hne. The disposition being thus made, 
small parties of riflemen were detached to skirmish with the enemy, on 
which their whole line advanced on with the greatest impetuosity, shout- 
ing as they advanced. Majors McDowell and Cunningham gave them a 
heavy fi.re and retreated to the regiments intended for their support. The 
whole of Col. Pickens's command then kept up a fire by regiments, retreat- 
ing agreeable to their orders. "When the enemy advanced to oar line, 
they received a well directed and incessant fire ; but their numbers being 
superior to ours, they gained our flanks, which obliged us to change our 
position. We retreated in good order about fifty paces, formed, advanced 
on the enemy and gave them a brisk fire, which threw them into disorder. 
Lieut. Colonel Howard observing this, gave orders for the hne to charge 
bayonets, which was done with such address that the enemy fled with 
the utmost precipitation. Lieut. Colonel Washington discovering that 
the cavalry were cutting down our riflemen on the left, charged them 
with such firmness as obhged them to retire in confusion. The enemy 
^j>Tc- f itirely routed, and the pursuit continued for upwards of twenty 
•/ifiilef? 

i<'', OSS is very inconsiderable, not having more than twelve killed and 
ounded. The enemy's loss was ten commissioned officers killed, 
and upwards of one hundred rank and file ; two hundred wounded ; 
twenty-nine commissioned officers and more than five hundred privates, 
prisoners, which fell into our hands, with two field pieces, two standards, 
eight hundred muskets, one travelling forge, thirty-five wagons, seventy 
negroes, and upwards of one hundred dragoon horses, and all their music. 
They destroyed most of their baggage, which was immense. Although 
our success was complete, we fought only eight hundred men, and were 
opposed by upwards of one thousand chosen British troops. 

Such was the inferiority of our numbers, that our success must be 
attributed to the justice of our cause and the gallantry of our troops. 
My wishes would induce me to name every sentinel in the corps. In 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN 



311 



justice to the bravery and good conduct of the officers, I have taken 
the liberty to enclose you a list of their names, from a conviction 
that you will be pleased to introduce such characters to the world. 

Major Giles, my aid-de-camp, and Captain Brookes, my brigade major, 
deserve and have my thanks for their assistance and behavior on this 
occasion. The Baron de Glaebeut, who accompanies Major Giles with 
these dispatches, served with me as a volunteer, and behaved so as to 
merit your attention. 

I am, dear Sir, 

Your obedient servant, 

J Daniel Mokgan. 
To Gen. Greene. 

A list of the commissioned officers in the action of the 17th of January, 
1781, of the Light Infantry. 

John Howard, Lieutenant-Colonel commandant. 
Benjamin Brookes, Captain and Major of brigade. 

Capt. Robert Kirkwood, Delaware. Lieut. Barnes. Virginia. 

Capt. Anderson, Maryland. Lieut. Miller, " 

Capt. Dobson, " Ensign King, " 

Lieut. Ewing, " Ensign Dyer, Maryland. 

Lieut. Watkins, " Ensign Smith, •' 

Lieut. Hanson, " Lieut, Anderson, Delaware. 



Of the third Regiment of Light Dragoons. 

Lt.-Col. Wm. Washington, Virginia. Lieut, Bell, 
Major Richard McCall, " Cornet Simmons, 

Captain Barrett. " 



Virginia. 
South Carolina. 



Of the Maryland State Regiment. 

Edward Giles, Major and acting Aid-de-Carap of the Virginia militia. 
MAJor Triplett, Ensign Combs, Virginia militia. 

Capt. Buchannan, Virginia militia. Ensign McCoskell, " 

Capt. Tate, " Ensign Wilson, " 

Capt, Gilmore. 



The Baron de Glaubeck served as a volunteer in Gen. Morgan's family, 
and Mr. Andrews with Colonel Washington's regiment. 



312 THE LIFE OF 

Colonel Pickens and all the officers in his corps behaved well ; but from 
their having so lately joined the detachment, it has been impossible to 
collect all their names or rank, so that the general is constrained not to 
particularize any, least it should be doing injustice to others. 
By orders B. Gen. Morgan, 
{Copy.) Edward Giles, A.D.C. 

Jan. l^th, \ln. 



GENERAL lANIEL MORGAN. S13 



CHAPTER XVI. 

Reflections suggested by the battle of the Cowpens — Morgan's conduct on that occasion 
defended — The news of the victory received with joy throughout the country — Resolu- 
tions of Congress and letter of President Huntington — Resolutions of Virginia Houise of 
De'.egates, and letter from Spealier Ricliard M. Lee — Congratulatory letters from Gen, 
DavidsAn, Gov. Rutledge, Col. 0. H. Williams and Gen. Sumter— After the battle, Mor- 
gan retreats across Broad river towards the Catawba — Cornwallis, deterred by the 
result of the battle, awaits a junction with Leslie before marching in pursuit of Morgan 
— Believing that the latter intended remaining north of Broad river, Cornwallis marches 
in that direction — Discovers his mistake — His unavailing pursuit— Morgan reaches the 
cast bank of tlie Catawba — His letter to Gen. Greene — Reflections upon the military 
events just detailed — Morgan resolves to defend the fords of the Catawba — His letters to 
Gen. Greene from this quarter. 

Making due allowance for the numbers engaged in the battle 
of the Cowpens, and for the particular circumstances under which 
it was fought, the victory was certainly the most brilliant that 
had ever been achieved by the arms of America. It is evetia 
doubtful if our subsequent military annals furnish anything of tl\ 
kind, which, under like limitations, at all approaches it in spleri^ 
dor. The scene of this memorable engagement was in an open\ 
wood, affording to the movements of an army all the facilities of 
a plain. The ground offered none of those advantages which 
swamps, thickets, and a broken surface afford to the weak against 
the strong, and to those carrying on defensive operations. It was 
pronounced by Tarleton himself to be as proper and convenient a 
place for an action as he could desire.* The American force 
engaged was not more than eight hundred and fifty men, more 
than half of whom were undisciplined militia. That of the 

* TaWeton, p. 221. 

14 



314 THE I^TTE OP" 

British, composed for the most part of the elite of their army, 
numbered from one thousand and fifty men to eleven hundred and 
fifty men, having the additional advantages of artillery and a large 
numerical superiority in bayonets and cavalry. The obstinate 
and sanguinary contest which ensued was not attended by any of 
those fortuitous events which occasionally turn the tide of battle 
against all the calculations of experience, as well as all the efforts 
of well directed courage. From first to last it was a deadly 
struggle, the termination of which, while it brought destruction 
on one of the combatants, gave victory, complete and decisive, to 
the other, as the reward of superior courage and constancy. The 
result will stand for all time, a proud and imperishable memorial 
of American prowess. 

But brilliant as was this achievement, the solid advantages which 
it secured to the cause of independence constitute its chief claim to 
remembrance. As Cornwallis's first expedition into North Carolina 
was terminated by the destruction of Ferguson, so the second was 
crippled and eventually arrested by the overthrow of Tarleton. The 
affair of King's Mountain removed the impression which had 
until that event been deeply sunk in the public mind, that the 
British were invincible, and must ultimately succeed in their 
designs. That of the Cowpens re-animated the expiring hopes of 
the people, and after a brief period of doubt and despondency, 
marshalled them by thousands against the enemies of their 
country. It wa^ the first link in the chain of events, which, 
baffling the efibrts and blasting the hopes of the enemy, at length 
led to their expulsion from the country, and to a glorious termi- 
nation of the struggle. 

The numerous and valuable services which Morgan rendered 
during the war, had won him a conspicuous place in public esti- 
mation. But after this brilliant and important achievement, he 
was deservedly ranked among the most illustrious defenders of his 
country. Yet strange as it may appear, the unexampled success 
which attended him on that occasion, was subsequently made the 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 315 

means of inflicting a serious wound on his military reputation. 
Notwithstanding the ipany reasons which combined, forcing him 
to give the enemy battle, he was blamed for incurring the risk. 
Notwithstanding the military genius which he displayed in 
the selection of his position, the disposition of his forces, and the 
conduct of the engagement, his censurers condemned it all as 
indicating temerity rather than judgment. The indomitable 
courage, the unyielding constancy, w^hich, through his happy 
adaptation of means to circumstances, were brought on that occa- 
sion into full operation, seem to have been considered as secondary 
elements in the military combinations of his scientific accusers, 
who evidently based their censures upon the hazardous assump- 
tion, that it was impossible for a body of Americans, however 
brave and well-disciplined, or however well conducted, to contend 
successfully against an equal number of the enemy under a com- 
petent commandei*. Morgan's determination to fight sprung from 
opinions totally difi'erent. His dispositions for battle were made 
under the conviction that his troops, rested, refreshed, and full of 
confidence, were more than a match for the fatigued, panting 
adversary approaching him, and that the hopelessness of escape 
by flight, involved in his position, would secure him such a hearty 
co-operation from the militia, as must necessarily result in a 
triumph. There never was a moment during the action, in which 
he feared or had cause to fear, for the result. The misapprehen- 
i>»ion which caused the main line to retreat, only gave new 
strength to his confidence, from the discipline and unshaken 
courage which the men displayed on that occasion. Colonel 
Tarleton, however, has interpreted these dispositions to the dis- 
credit of Morgan's judgment, and seems, even in the contemplation 
of his defeat, to be astonished at the temerity which should ven- 
ture to meet him on equal terms, and rest for the issue on skill 
and courage alone. "The ground whicl: Gen. Morgan had 
chosen for the engagement, in order to cover his retreat to Broad 
river," remarks Col. Tarleton, " was disadvantageous for the Amer- 



316 THE LIFE OF 

icans, but convenient for the British; an open wood was cer- 
tainly as proper a place for action as Lieut. Col. Tarleton could 
desire. America does not produce many more suitable to the 
nature of the troops under his command. The situation of the 
enemy was desperate in case of misfortune ; an open country and 
a river in their rear, must have thrown them entirely in the 
power of a superior cavalry, whilst the light troops, in case of a 
repulse, had the expectation of a neighboring- force to protect 
them from destruction."* These opinions and reasonings, if not 
adopted, were in a great measure concurred in by those who 
employed themselves in detracting from the well earned fame of 
Gen. Morgan. But the following brief justification of himself, 
while it displays the dauntlessness of character and originality of 
mind which distinguished the man, leaves Tarleton as little to 
boast of from his reasoning as from his fighting. " I would not," 
Morgan once observed, in remarking upon objections similar to 
the above, "have had a swamp in view of my militia on any con- 
sideration ; they would have made for it, and nothing could have 
detained them from it. As to covering my wings, I knew my 
adversary, and was perfectly sure I should have nothing but 
downright fighting. As to retreat, it was the very thing I wished 
to cut oft' all hope of. I would have, thanked Tarleton had he 
surrounded me with his cavalry. It would have been better than 
placing my own men in the rear to shoot down those who broke 
from the ranks. When men are forced to fight, they will sell 
their lives dearly ; and I knew that the dread of Tarleton's 
cavalry would give due weight to the protection of my bayonets, 
and keep my troops from breaking, as Buford's regiment did. 
Had I crossed the river, one-half of the mijitia would immediately 
have abandoned me."f 

The reasons which brought Morgan to the determination to 
fight Tarleton have already been given, and that they were the 
true ones, cannot be disputed without also disputing the authen- 

* Tarleton's Campaign, p. 221, t Johasoa's Q-reeae, p. 376. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 817 

ticity of the evidence furnished in his own and General Greene's 
letters ; and rejecting- the inferences which all the circumstances 
naturally educe. Yet Col. Lee ascribes this determination to a 
sudden tit of ill temper, " which," he adds, " overruled the sug- 
gestions of Morgan's sound and discriminating judgment." His 
masterly retreat, after the battle, in the face of the enemy, to the 
Catawba, was regarded as an escape little less than miraculous ; 
and although the natural result of a correct judgment of his situ- 
ation, formed upon a knowledge of Cornwallis's intentions and 
movements, its success was ascribed to circumstances indicating a 
providential interference in behalf of the cause in which he was 
engaged. But these, and other inaccuracies less pardonable, will 
be noticed in their proper connection. To assaults of this nature, 
Morgan never vouchsafed a formal answer. This is to be 
regretted, for his injured fame may be cited in proof of the fact, 
that there are few names which are rendered so impregnable in 
the good opinions of the world as never to need defending. None 
are above the reach of calumny or misrepresentation. Reputa- 
tions are like riches ; — it is not easy to determine which is the 
more difficult task, to keep, or to acquire them. Satisfied in the 
belief that his conduct and character were properly estimated by 
the people at large, he treated with proud indifference the opin- 
ions of those whose strictures he justly considered as the sugges- 
tions of prejudice or of envy. Prejudice is blind, and envy will 
not see. Genius, in whatever form it presents itself, always 
arouses the antipathies of natures less richly endowed. It can 
only be judged by its achievements ; and after all, success fur- 
nishes its own best defence. Yet the world is too apt to adopt 
the judgments of a lower order of minds, and to condemn the 
bold and adventurous spirits who leave the beaten track and 
follow the promptings of " the divinity which stirs within them," 
to the attainment of their ends. Much of weak argument, and 
ftiore of misrepresentation, have thus found their way into history, 
and at length impressed the present age with the belief, that 



318 THELIFEOF 

Morgan was a brave, but not a judicious officer, and tbat he was 
indebted more to fortune than to ability for his laurels. Against 
such conclusions truth and justice alike demand that his reputa- 
tion should be defended. 

For some time previously to this glorious aflfair, the attention 
of the whole country had been drawn with breathless interest 
towards the military operations of the South. The result of the 
pending struggle in that quarter would, it was generally believed, 
exercise an important, if not a decisive, influence upon the issue 
of the war. The co-operation of the French, the liberty of the 
South, and the integrity of the confederation itself, were supposed 
to depend upon a fortunate turn in the events then approaching 
development. But the ill-fortune which had hitherto attended 
the efforts of How^e, Lincoln and Gates, and the feebleness of 
Greene's present force, when compared with the powerful array 
of the enemy, filled the breast of every patriot with the most 
gloomy presentiments. Under these circumstances, it is not difficult 
to imagine the burst of joy with which the cheering news of this 
victory was received throughout the land, and the thanks and honors 
which a grateful people showered upon the bravo men who 
achieved it. Congress manifested their approbation by the pas- 
sage of a preamble and resolutions expressive of their thanks to 
the officers and men who participated in the battle, and directing 
a gold medal, with suitable inscriptions, to be presented to Mor- 
gan. They likewise presented Pickens, now a brigadier general, 
with a sword ; Lieut. Cols. Washington and Howard with a silver 
medal each, and Major Triplett with a sword. The House of 
Delegates of Virginia passed resolutions of approval and thanks ; 
directing also, at a subsequent period, that Morgan should be pre- 
sented with a horse, fully caparisoned, and a sword. The Legisla- 
tures of a number of the States marked the event with proceedings 
expressive of their gratification. From the most distinguished quar- 
ters poured in upon him congratulations, mingled with expressions 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 319 

of condolence upon the unfortunate state of his health, and of hope 
for his speedy recovery. 

From these numerous manifestations of a nation's joy and gra- 
titude, a few have been selected for publication, some from their 
historical importance, and others from their intimate connection 
with the narrative of events, and the honor which is deservedly 
associated with the names of the writers. 



THE UNITED STATES IN CONGRESS ASSEMBLED. 

Congress, impressed with the most lively sentiments of approbation at the 
conduct of Brigadier General Morgan and the officers and men under hia 
command, on the seventeenth of January last, when, with eighty cavalry and ^ 
two hundred and thirty-seven infantry of the troops of the United States, 
and five hundred and fifty-three militia from the States of Virginia, North 
Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, he obtained a complete and impor- 
tant victory over a select and well appointed detachment of more than 
eleven hundred British troops, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Tarleton, 
do therefore 

Resolve : That the thanks of Congress be presented to Brigadier General 
Morgan and the officers and men under his command, for their fortitude 
and good conduct displayed in the action at the Cowpens, in the State of 
South Carolina, on the said seventeenth of January last. 

That a medal of gold be presented to Brigadier General Morgan, repre- 
senting on one side the action aforesaid, particularizing his numbers, the num- 
bers of the enemy, the numbers of killed, wounded and prisoners, and his 
trophies ; and on the other side, the figure of the general on horseback, 
leading on his troops in pursuit of the flying enemy, with this motto in the ^ 
exergue, Virttis unita valet. 

Passed March 9th, 1781. 



Note. — Many years elapsed before General Morgan received the medal thus voted to him. 
In the meantime, the design directed by the resolutions was materially changed, as may be 
seen by the engraved representation of the medal. On the obverse side, the original 
directions were mainly observed; but on the reverse, Morgan is represented as receiving 
a crown of laurels from the Genius of America ; the background is filled up with the tro« 
p'lies of victory; white on the top is the inscription ^'- Danieli Morgan duci eaercikis,*^ 
aud at the bottom, " Comitia Americana.''^ 



820 THE LIFE OF 

Hon. Samuel Huntington to Gen. Morgan. 

Philadelphia, April 11th, 1781. 
Sir: Your letter of the 28th ult. hath been duly received, with the 
standard of the 7th British regiment which fell into your hands in the bat- 
tle of the 17th of January, This will be deposited with other trophies in 
the War Office, to remain a lasting evidence of the victory that day 
obtained with so much gallantry and bravery. 

I am sorry to find your health so much impaired; hope by your present 
retirement and relaxation from the toils of the field that it may be perfectly 
restored, and your country reap signal advantages from your future ser- 
vices. 

I have the honor to be, &c., 

Samuel Huntington. 
Brig. Gen. Morgan. 

in the house op delegates. 

Friday the 9ih of Marc7i, 1781. 
Resolved: That Brigadier General Morgan be requested to accept of a 
horse with furniture, and a sword, as a further testimony of the high esteem of 
his country for his military character and abilities, so gloriously displayed in 
the victory gained by him and the troops he lately commanded in South 
Carolina, and that the Governor be desired to direct some proper person 
to procure the said articles, and convey them to the said General. 

Teste. 

John Beckley, C. H. D. 
\Zth March, 1781. 
Agreed to by the Senate. 

Will. Drew, C. S. 



Governor Nelson to General Morgan. 

Richmond, July 20th, 1781. 
Sir: It will give me the greatest pleasure to comply with the resolution of 
the Assembly, directing that you shall be presented with a horse, sword, 
&c., as I shall ever be happy to contribute towards rewarding distinguished 
merit. 

I am under some difficulty with respect to the horse, because I may 
procure one that may not suit you. If you know of one that you wish to 
have, I will immediately direct that he shall be purchased. The Assembly 



GENERAL DAXIEL MORGAN. 321 

intended the present should be a genteel one ; the horse, therefore, ought 
to be of the first quality. 

I am, Sir, with great esteem, 

Your ob't and very humble serv't, 

Thomas Nelson. 
Brig. Gen. Morgan. 

Hon, Richard Henry Lee to General Morgan. 

RiCHMOKD, March 2\st, W k. 

Sir: It is with pecuUar pleasure that I execute the order of the Hcuse 
of Delegates, in transmitting to you their sense, and through them the 
sense that your country entertains of the many signal services perfoined 
by you in the various victories that you have obtained over the enemies 
of the United States, and more especially in the late well-timed total 
defeat given to the British troops in South Carolina. I am directed to 
request of you. Sir, that you^will convey to the brave officers and troops 
under your command in the action of the I'Zth of January, the sense 
entertained by the House of Delegates of their valor and great services 
upon that occasion. 

Having thus discharged my duty to the House of Delegates, permit me to 
lament that the unfortunate state of your health should deprive the p-.iljlic 
of those eminent services in the field which you are so capable of perform- 
ing ; and let me hope that it will not be long before return of health will 
restore vou to the armv and to your country. 

I have the honor to be, &c., 

Richard Henry Lee, S««i 

Brig. Gen. Morgan. 

Gen. Davidson to Gen. Morgan. 

Charlotte, Jan. 21af, 1T81, 
Dear General: You will please to accept my warmest congratulat'^Dns 
on your late glorious victory. You have, in my opinion, paved the way 
for the salvation of this country. I hope Major McDowell and the volun- 
teers answered the character I gave you of them. 

The militia are coming in fast,.4o this place. Against Wednesday or 
Thursday, I shall be ready to march with a considerable number of pretty 
good men, Avhorever it may be proper; and several gentlemen from the 
country have offered to embody the mihtia that are at home, to conduct 
the prisoners to any place that may be directed. If you think well of 

14* 



322 THE LIFE OF 

this, I will thank you to let me know by the bearer of this, Parson 
McCaully, as I have men here from every company, who can carry dis« 
patches for the purpose immediately. I think I shall have six hundred 
men, at least, at the place of rendezvous, 

I have the honor to be, &c., 

Wm. Davidson. 
Gen. Morgan. 

P.S. I believe your boats are ready at Major Davidson's. Let me know 
if you have any flints to spare. I want about two thousand. A thou&dnd 
compliments to the officers. 

Gen. Davidson to Gen. Morgan. 

Charlotte, Jan. 23<?, 17S1. 
Dear Sir: The enclosed dispatches from head-quarters came to hand 
to-day, with a letter from General Greene. The General mentions to me 
the plan you suggested of making a diversion to the westward, and seems 
to depend much upon your judgment respecting that matter. In the 
meantime, I am directed to make you acquainted with my numbers and 
situation, and to hold myself in readiness to execute any order you may 
think proper to give. As the troops are now collecting, returns cannot be 
made for some time. Seventeen British soldiers, taken on the retreat, the 
17ih inistant, were brought in here to-day. Your victory over Tarleton 
has gladdened every countenance in this part. We have had a/ew dejoie 
to-day, in consequence of it. 

I have the honor to be. 
Tour very obedient and humble servant, 

Wm. Davidson. 
Hon. Brig. Gen. Morgan, 
Commanding on the West of the Catawba. 

Gov. Rutledge to Gen. Morgan. 

Cheraws, Jan. 25th, 1781. 
Dear Sir : I request that you will be pleased to accept my warmest and 
most cordial thanks, and that you will present them to the brave officers 
and men under your command, for the good conduct and intrepidity 
manifested in the action with Lieut. Col. Tarleton, on the 11 th instant. 
This total defeat of chosen veteran Brijsh troops, by a number far 
inferior to theirs, will forever distinguish the gallant men by whom the 
glorious victory was obtained, and endear them to their country. I 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 323 

reflect on it with the greatest pleasure, as a presage of the happiest conse- 
quences. It will excite many to emulate their patriotism; and by the 
undaunted courage and perseverance of freemen who are determined to 
maintain the independence of America, that must (with the blessing of 
God on our arms), be firmly established. Col. Pickens's behavior justified 
the opinion I have always had of that gallant officer. Enclosed is a 
Brigadier's commission, of which I desire his acceptance. 

I am, &c., 

j. kutledge. 
Gen. Mokgan. 

Col. Williams to Gen. Morgan. 

Camp Pedee, Jan. 25, 1781. 

Dear Gen.: I rejoice exceedingly at your success. The advantages you 
have gained are important, and do great honor to your little corps. I am 
peculiarly happy that so great a share of the glory is due to the officers 
and men of the light infantry. Next to the happiness which a man feels 
at his own good fortune, is that which attends his friend. I am much 
better pleased that you have plucked the laurels from the brow of the 
hitherto fortunate Tarleton, than if he had fallen by the hands of Lucifer. 
Vengeance is not sweet if it is not taken as we would have it. I am 
delighted that the accumulated honors of a young partisan should be 
plundered by my old friend. 

We have had a few de joie, drunk all your healths, swore you were the 
finest fellows on earth, and love you, if possible, more than ever. The 
General has, I think, made his compliments in very handsome terms. 
Enclosed is a copy of his orders. It was written immediately after we 
received the news, and during the operation of some cherry bounce. 

I have only to add a repetition of my best wishes for you. Com'pli- 
ments to Howard and all friends. Adieu. 

Yours sincerely, 

0. H. Williams. 

Brig. Gen. Morgan. 

Gen. Sumter to Gen. Morgan.* 

Catawba River, IWP January., 1781. 
Dear Sir : I have every reason to believe that the enemy are not more 

* A few remarks are suggested by this letter. It is generally believed that the oppo- 
Bition of Col. Sumter to the efforts of Morgan, in relation to the establishment of maga- 



324 THE LIFE OF 

than 1,600 strong. I have had them repeatedlj counted, and could ascer- 
tain their number to a man, if I knew what had escaped the defeat of Col. 
Tarleton — upon which happy event I most heartily congratulate you. 

I am, &c., 

Thomas Sumter. 
Gen. Morgan. 



The battle over, Morgan made preparations for an immediate 
retreat. Far from being intoxicated by his victory, or from con- 
sidering it as affording him a prospect of security, he felt that it 
must necessarily have the effect of greatly increasing his danger. 
However strong were the reasons for a retreat before the contest, 
they had now become imperative in their nature. The British 
army was not more than thirty miles distant from the scene of 
action. The fugitives from the field, he knew, would reach Corn- 
wallis's camp that night. For some time previously this officer 
had kept his troops under marching orders. It was taken for 
granted, that upon learning his loss, he would make instant and 
prodigious efforts, not only to obtain revenge, but to liberate his 
captive soldiery, and to recover their arms and baggage. Morgan 
accordingly resolved to make a dash for the Catawba. The fords 
of that river were, however, nearer to Cornwallis than to himself; 
and, however great the diligence he displayed in the effort to 
reach them, he felt assured that the enemy might intercept him, 
should they correctly divine his inteintions, and act with prompti- 
tude. But there was a possibility that Cornwallis would lose this 
advantage, from a misconception of his adversary's designs. Mor- 



aines, already alluded to, originated in a dislike of the latter by the formei', and that the 
circumstance in question tended to increase the ill feeling between these distinguished men. 
There i% reason to believe that the judicious efforts of General Greene, to reconcile this 
matter, were not unsuccessful, and that Morgan and Sumter thereafter regarded each 
other with friendly eyes. Sumter was a man who scorned everytliing like dissimulation, 
and, as occasion offered, was as free in the display of his hatreds as he was of his friend- 
ghips, Under this view of his character, which is undoubtedly the correct one, the letter 
abova W0V44 fifivef hgiy^ b^w Fatten had, he eptertained feelings of dislike towards 

Morgan. ' "" -'««'-*'''^.^»»t-«^,*S>fe«.^ a 



GENERAL DANIEL MOEGAN. 325 

gan used the chance thus afforded him to the best advantage. 
While hurrying his preparations, justly considering that every 
minute lost would but add to his danger, he kept his ulterior 
designs a secret to all but his principal officers, and gave currency 
to the impression that it was his intention to hold the country 
north of Broad river. 

Colonel Pickens, with a body of militia, was directed to 
remain on the ground, under the protection of a flag, for the pur- 
pose of burying the dead, and of ministering to the sufferings and 
wants of the wounded of both armies. The baggage of the enemy 
furnished tents, bedding, and other comforts, which were appro- 
priated to the use of the wounded. The prisoners were collected, 
the arms, cannon, and other valuable trophies were placed in 
wagons, and the troops formed in marching order. The detach- 
ment under Washington being still absent in pursuit of the 
enemy, orders were left for it to follow the main body without 
delay, upon its return. These and other arrangesnents having 
been made, the line was put in motion about noon. Before the 
close of the day, the army crossed Broad river at the Cherokee 
ford, and encamped for the night on its northern bank 

Long before daylight next morning, Morgan had resumed his 
march. Anticipating difficulty, if not disaster, he took every 
precaution, and prepared for the worst. Being soon after joined 
by Washington and the cavalry, the prisoners were placed under 
their charge, with directions to move higher up the country, and 
to cross the Catawba at the Island ford. The main body, in the 
mean time, struck into and advanced upon the direct road to 
Eam sower's Mills, situated on the Little Catawba. Morgan justly 
considered, that should the enemy approach and attack him, or 
cut off his retreat towards the Catawba, there was, by this arrange- 
ment, a change still left for the preservation of his prisoners from 
recapture. 

While pressing his march, he expected every houi- to hear that 
the enemy were at hand • and looked with anxiety for the return 



626 THE LIFE OF 

of some of his spies with information of their movements. Great 
was his surprise and joy npon learning that night, not only that 
the enemy had not moved up to a late hour of the day, but that 
they did not intend to move until a junction had been effected 
with Leslie. Cheered by this encouraging news, Morgan pushed 
forward with renewed vigor early the next morning. 

The new^s of Tarleton's defeat reached Cornwallis, through the 
fugitives from the field, on tlie night of the lYth, and came upon 
him with the stunning eftects of a thunderbolt. Uncertain as to 
Morgan's position and strength, and believing that the militia 
were out in overpowering numbers, he had hesitated in his 
advance, and at length determined not to rush upon unknown 
dangers, until his forces were strengthened by the approaching 
reinforcements. The intelligence be now received, while it 
increased his respect for Morgan's courage and address, confirmed 
his opinion as to that officer's force. For Tarleton, in palliation 
of his defeat, represented Morgan's strength at 2,000 men, a 
number more than double that of which it really consisted. 
Equally uncertain as to Morgan's future movements, Cornwallis 
determined to defer a pursuit until he could obtain the desired 
information, or be joined by the force under Leslie. He was 
encouraged to adopt this course, from the belief that the defeat 
of Tarleton would exercise a fatal influence upon Morgan — tempt- 
ing him either to remain in the neighborhood of Broad river, or 
to advance towards Ninety-six. 

The desired junction with Leslie was effected the next day. 
But no intelligence regarding Morgan, his strength, position, or 
tendency, had yet been received. On the 19th, the British army 
moved towards King's creek. Another day passed without 
yielding any information of Morgan, when Tarleton was directed 
to recross Broad river with the dragoons and the yagers, and 
endeavor to obtain the desired intelligence. This officer returned 
the same evening, having learned that Morgan, soon after the 
action, had marched from the field of battle with his corps and 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 327 

the prisoners, leaving the wounded under the protection of a flag 
and that he had crossed Broad river at the upper fords,* 

The enigma involved in Morgan's movements and designs was 
now apparently solved. It appeared to the British commander 
that his adversary meditated holding his ground in the neigh- 
borhood of Broad river. Full of the hope of being able to corner 
Morgan, and to regain his captured troops, Cornwallis now put 
his army in active motion. Crossing Buftalo creek on the 21st, 
he reached Little Broad river the next morning. Passing this 
stream also, he continued to advance in the direction of King's 
Mountain, when he learned that he had been deceived, and that 
Morgan had eluded him. 

The latter, fully alive to the critical nature of his situation, and 
conscious that he was still in the power of the enemy, if they 
acted with judgment and promptitude, lost not a moment in 
prosecuting his retreat. Yet in spite of all his efforts, and not- 
withstanding the active character of his troops, his progress was 
so slow, as to fill him with the greatest anxiety and alarm. 
There were many circumstances which conspired to retard his 
advance. A very rainy season had rendered the numerous streams 
cftfficult to ford, and the roads heavy and fatiguing to travel. His 
troops were harassed by the hard duty of the preceding fortnight, 
and were unequal to their usual exertions when rested and 
refreshed. But even were it otherwise, they dragged along with 
them a prize in the captured arms, too valuable to be relinquished 
while a hope of escape remained, but which greatly retarded their 
progress. The heavy baggage of the enemy, after supplying the 
wants of the wounded, Morgan had destroyed ; but the muskets 
and ammunition were clung to as the means of arming those who 
were even at the moment embodied for service, but of no avail for 
the want of arms. To these causes of delay, was added that 
growing out of the necessity of collecting provisions and forage 
for the daily wants of the army ; and taken together, prevented 
the advance at a pace more rapid than ten miles a day. 



328 THE LIFE OF 

On the 19tli, Morgan crossed Little Broad river. Two days 
afterwards, lie passed the Little Catawba at Ramsower's Mills; 
and on the morning of the 23d, took post at Sherrald's Ford, on 
the east bank of the Catawba. 

No time was lost in apprising Gen. Greene of the progress of 
events, which would exercise so important an influence upon the 
measures of that officer. The following is the first of Morgan's 
letters which reached him from Sherrald's Ford : 

Sherrald's Ford, Catawba River, Jan. 23, 1781. 

Sir : I arrived here this morning. The prisoners crossed at the Island 
Ford, seventeen miles liigher up the river. I expect them to join me this 
evening; shall send them on to Salisbury in the morning, guarded by 
Major Triplett's miUtia, whose time expires this day. If they are to be 
sent any further, Major Triplett wishes, and thinks is right, that the militia 
under Gen. Stevens should have the trouble of them, as they have not 
underwent so much fatigue as his men. 

Lord Cornwallis, whether from bad intelligence, or to make a show, 
moved up towards Gilbertown, to intercept me, the day after I had passed 
him, I am apprehensive he will (if he is not coming this way) return or 
send a party by the field of action, and take his wounded, which I neglected 
taking a receipt from the doctor for,* and perhaps some of the arms left 

* A few days after the battle, the wounded of the British were removed from the field 
to Camden, with an understanding that they were to be regarded as prisoners of war. 
The wounded of the Americans were taken care of by the patriotic inhabitants of the 
district, wlio also collected and carried away the arms, accoutrements, baggage, Ac, 
which were left behind. In relation to this subject, the following letters are among Gen. 
Morgan's correspondence : 

COL. tarleton to gen. morgan. 

Near Tdrkey Creek, Jan. 19, 1781. 

Sir: The action of the 17th inst., having thrown into your hands a number of British 
officers and soldiers, 

I primarily request of you, that attention and humanity may be exhibited towards the 
wounded officers and men, for whose assistance I now send by a flag, Dr. Stewart, and 
the surgeon's mate of the 7th regiment. 

I sccoiidly desire you to inform me of the number and quality of the prisoners which 
the fortune of war has placed in your possession. 
I have the honor, &c.. 

Ban. Tarleton, Lieut. Col. Com., B.L. 

P.S.— I have sent some money for the use of the prisoners. 

Brig. Gen. Morgan. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 329 

on the field, that I had not time to collect. But I left orders for that 
purpose with the well affected inhabitants. 

I received your letters of the 13th inst., and would have endeavored to 
get the cloth ; but being obliged to come so far out of the way with the 
prisoners, puts it entirely out of my power. However, I will communicate 
the matter to Col. Pickens ; perhaps he may have some enterprising 
followers that would undertake it. I have engaged one of his captains to 
go round and kill the enemy's horses ; perhaps he may do the other 
business,* 

SURGEON JACKSON TO GEN. MORGAN. 

Jan. 18, 17S1. 
Sir : As the wounded must suffer much for the want of necessaries, and even medical 
assistance, witli your permission, I should wish to inform Lord Cornwallis of their 
situation ; that if lie thinlis proper, he may order something for their relief; some surgeons 
of the general hospital, and some hospital appointments. From your very great 
politeness to me, I am confident you will grant everything that is reasonable or proper. 
I have the honor, Ac, 

Robert Jackson, SurgeoiVs Mate., 1st Bat. list EegH. 
Hon. Brig. Gen. Morgan.- 

DR. R. PINDELL TO GEN. MORGAN. 

Mr. Jordan's, near the Cowpens, Jan. 22, 17S1. 

Dear General: Inclosed I send a flag which arrived yesterday from Col. Tarleton. 
You will see his own requisitions, in addition to which, Dr. Jackson, in conjunction with 
the gentlemen who came with the flag (finding it impossible to have their wounded 
properly provided for in this country) are desirous of having the men paroled, and to 
have permission to take them within the British lines. They will give a receipt for the 
number of wounded men they receive, and make a return of those that may recover, to 
our commissary of prisoners, wliom they will exchange. I am of the opinion, also, that 
they cannot be provided for here, and think their proposals of equal advantage to us. 
There has been one instance of the kind, at Stoney Point. If it is not agreeable to you 
to have the men paroled, the surgeons will give a receipt for the men and be accountable 
for them. Some of them are still in the field. You will please to dispatch an answer as 
soon as possible, that we may know in what manner to act. I wrote you two or three 
days past, but have received no answer. I wish some mode could be established to 
remove our wounded to Salisbury. "We have no salt; there is no regular supply estab- 
lished yet. I am entirely out of bandages and lint, and shall soon want a supply of 
medicines 

I am, Ac, 

R. Pindell. 

Brig. Gen. Morgan, Commanding on the west of Cataidba. 

* The closing sentence of the above paragraph is in answer to the suggestion, made by 
Gen. Greene in his letter to Morgan, of the Sth of January, 1780, that a party should be 



330 THE LIFE OF 

I intend to stay at this place till I hear from you, in order to recruit the 
men and to get in a good train. We must be fitted out with pack horses, 
for as I wrote you before, wagons will not do for light troops. I intend 
to send Col. Pickens back immediately, in order to keep up a show of 
opposition, and to cut off small parties that may be sent out for the pur- 
pose of destroying the .^ountry, as I expect that will be their aim, to pre- 
vent us from getting supplies from that back country. I have got men 
that are watching the enemy's movements, and will give you the earliest 
accounts. But I think they will be this way, if the stroke we gave Tarle- 
ton don't check them. 

I have the honor to be, &c., 

Maj. Gen. Greene. Daniel Morgan. 

Col. Washington has this moment joined me with the prisoners. Twenty- 
seven more were taken by our light parties — men of the legion, chiefly 
dragoons, and some red coats. He says he has heard of a number more 
being taken ; so that at this time, we have six hundred prisoners at least. 

Upon reaching the Catawba, Morgan's apprehensions of being 
overtaken departed for ever. Nothing could deprive him of the glory 
which he had acquired. But a correct conception of his designs, 
and an ordinary exercise of celerity by the enemy, might have 

sent to kill the enemy's draft and cavalry horses, then collected at the Congaree. The 
letter referred in the same paragraph is as follows : 

GEN. GREENE TO GEN. MORGAN. 

Head Quarters, Jan. 13, 1781, 
Dear Sir: There are six wagon loads of cloth on the way from Charleston to the 
Congaree river, the property of one Wade Hampton, who, it is said, wishes it to fall into 
our hands. It will halt on the Congaree, at Friday's Ferry; but in that situation yoa 
cannot get at it; and the man, it is reported, is willing to move it on towards Ninety-six, 
as if to relieve that garrison. To satisfy yourself respecting the matter, you must send 
a man to Mr. Hampton and inquire respecting the report; and if true, concert with hira 
a plan for getting possession of the cloth, as it would be of infinite importance to get it 
into our possession. You will readily see, from the nature of the thing, that it is not to 
be considered as plunder ; nor must anybody but yourself know anything of the trans- 
action, as it would inevitably ruin the man. Great caution should be taken to guard 

against those evils. 

I am, &c., 

N. Greenk. 

Gen Morgan. 



GENEEAL DANIEL MORGAN. 331 

stripped him of many of the advantages which the victory had 
yielded him, and have forced upon him the adoption of new 
measures to extricate his troops from danger. At the time the 
battle was fought, the positions of the adverse armies were nearly 
equi-distant from the point where a junction was formed by the 
two roads, which led from each to the fords across which Morgan 
had passed. Had Cornwallis divined the intentions and move- 
ments of the Americans after the battle, and been correctly 
informed as to their force, he could have easily cut off their 
retreat towards Broad river. But his uncertainty on these heads 
produced a delay and a misdirection of efforts highly advantageous 
to Morgan. The latter founded all his hopes of effecting his 
retreat on the enemy's ignorance or misconception of his intentions. 
His early movements from the field were accordingly conducted 
in such a manner as to encourage the belief that he designed 
remaining in the neighborhood. The ruse was completely suc- 
cessful. While Morgan was pushing forward in an easterly direc- 
tion towards the Catawba, Cornwallis was hurrying on in pursuit, 
on a course nearly northwest to a point, which had long since 
been passed by his wily adversary. 

But now the attempts at interception were changed into a pur- 
suit. Hastily recrossing Little Broad river, Cornwallis led his 
army in the direction taken by Morgan. But the same obstacles 
which had hitherto clogged his movements continued to render 
his progress extremely slow, and it was not until the 24th that he 
reached Ram sower's Mills. Here he learned that Morgan had 
crossed two days previously, and that ere that time, that officer 
had doubtless gained the east bank of the Catawba. 

It was now that the danger which threatened not only his 
operations, but his military reputation, broke upon his view. 
Although he had exerted himself to the utmost to overtake the 
Americans, and in part retrieve the disasters he had experienced, 
by their destruction, they had evidently gained upon him. The 
sanguine hopes in which he had previously indulged of recoverinsr 



332 THE LIFE OF 

his lio-ht troops, were now succeeded by misgivings that they 
were irrecoverably lost, unless some extraordinary measures were 
taken. As if these circumstances were not in themselves suffi- 
ciently, vexatious, he could not shut his eyes upon the f^ict that 
they were calculated to reflect unfavorably upon his cnaracter as 
an officer of judgment and activity. He had led the British gov- 
ernment to believe that he had conquered South Carolina and 
Georgia, and that North Carolina was but the high road to Vir- 
ginia, where a junction with Phillips, it was fondly hoped, would 
not only insure him the conquest of that State, but open a passage 
northward. Yet what were the facts. His authority was resisted 
everywhere beyond the reach of his sword. His first attempt to 
invade North Carolina was abandoned in consequence of the des- 
truction which fell upon a portion of his forces at King's Moun- 
tain, and the determined resistance which was manifested to his 
progress by the patriotic inhabitants of Mecklenburg, Ruhan, and 
the adjoining districts. His more recent disaster overshadowed 
the prospects of his second invasion, and should it render his 
efforts equally abortive with the first attempt, it was apparent 
even to himself that blame, if not disgrace, would come home to 
him. In sight, as it were, of his head-quarters, a large and valua- 
ble detachment of his army had been captured ; yet he had suf- 
fered it, together with its arms, cannon, baggage, &c., to be borne 
off by an inconsiderable force, in a circuitous route towards a 
point which he ought to have known would be aimed at, and 
which was nearer to himself than to his opponent. He never 
made one well-directed, vigorous effort to make amends for his 
mishaps, until the time had passed when efforts might have been 
availing. Maddened by the combined effects of losses and disap- 
pointments, and alarmed at the ruin which threatened alike hie 
operations and his fame, he justly contemplated his situation as 
desperate ; and as usual with men under such circumstances, he 
resorted to a desperate remedy. He clung with tenacity to the 
hope that it was still possible to overtake the conqueror of the 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 333 

Cowpeus, and took his measures accordingly. He came to the 
resolution of halting at this point until he could disencumber his 
infantry of everything calculated to render their movements less 
active than had been those of his captured light troops ; and 
by the destruction of all his baggage, not absolutely indispensable, 
to give his army a facility for marching, favorable to the accom- 
plishment of his wishes. ■ If a misgiving as to the ultimate conse- 
quences of so serious a measure had lingered in his mind, it was 
banished upon learning that Morgan, instead of pursuing his 
retreat, had coolly taken post on the east bank of the Catawba, 
and was busily employed in preparations to oppose a passage of 
the river. 

Nothing but the certainty of overtaking Morgan could have 
justified Cornwallis in resorting to a measure which necessarily 
involved an abandonment of the design of prosecuting the cam- 
paign. It had been too long deferred to be beneficial, was wholly 
unnecessary to the end proposed, and finally rendered his subse- 
quent operations fruitful of nothing but suffering and disaster. 

Two days were occupied in burning the baggage, and in col 
lecting provisions, when on the 27th the British army advanced 
towards the Catawba. 

Upon reaching this river, Morgan promptly took such measures 
as his situation and circumstances required. His attention was 
first directed to the preservation of his prisoners and the arms 
from the danger of recapture. These, as may be inferred fi-om 
bis letter of the 23d, were sent forward the next day towards 
Virginia, under escort of Triplett's militia. He next addressed 
the various commanders of militia in the vicinity, advising them 
of the probable advance of the British army that way, and urging 
them to lose no time in assembling their respective commands, 
and joining him. Scouts and patrolling parties were thrown for- 
ward to obtain intelligence, the results of which wore promptly 
communicated to Gen. Greene. 

Although laboring under severe illness, which had now become 



334: THE LIFE OF 

almost insupportable, Morgan spared no exertions to prepare for a 
vigorous defence of his position, should the enemy approach. 
His efforts, however, so increased his malady, as to force him to 
contemplate a brief retirement from service, as the only means of 
obtaining relief. These, and other interesting details, will be 
found in the following letters, which, displaying as they likewise 
do, the sagacity which could divine the objects of the enemy, and 
suggest the means best calculated to defeat them, will be road 
with interest : 

Camp, Shehbald's Ford, 24th Jan., 1T81. 

Sir : I just received your letter of the 19th inst., and am much obliged 
to you for your cautions against a surprise. Mr. Tarleton might as well 
have been surprised himself as been so devilishly beaten as he was. I 
appiH)ve much of having boats with the main army, but would not wish to 
have any with me ; my party is too weak to guard them. 

I am convinced a descent into Georgia would answer a very good pur- 
pose. It would draw the attention of the enemy that way, and much dis- 
concert my lord's plans. I am convinced, from every circumstance, "he 
intends to march in force through this part of the State, towards Virginia, 
and his making a junction with Leslie fixes me in that opinion. 

I should be exceedingly glad to make a descent into Georgia, but am so 
emaciated that I can't undertake it. I grow worse every hour. I can't 
ride out of a walk. I am exceedingly sorry to leave the field at such a 
time ae this, but it must be the case. Pickens is an enterprising man, and 
a very judicious one : perhaps he might answer the purpose. With regard 
to Gen. Sumter, I think I know the man so well that I shall take no 
notice of what he has done, but follow your advice in every particular. 

I have not had any intelHgence from Lord Cornwallis this two days. I 
expect to hear from him every hour. If anything interesting [trans- 
pires] I will let you know it immediately. The last account I had of him, 
he had retreated to Smith's ford on Broad river. 

The prisoners are gone on to Salisbury. Seventeen more of their scat- 

tcrers were brought into Charlotte by some of our parties. 

I have the honor, &c., 

Daniel Morgan. 
Maj. Gen. Greene. 

N.B. — My detachment is much weakened by this fight with Tarleton. I 



GENEEAL DANIEL MORGAN. 335 

expect we have near fifty men disabled. Returns shall be sent you of the 
effectives. We have nothing to drink. 

Camp, Sherkald's Ford, 25th, Sunrise. 
Sir : I am this minute informed by express, that Lord CornwaUis is at 
Ramsay's Mill, on their march this way, destroying all before them. I 
shall know the truth of this in a few hours, and let you know immediately. 
I am, your obedient servant, 

Daniel Morgan. 
To THE Hon. Maj. Gen. Greene. 

Camp at Shekeald's Ford, Jan. 25th, 1781, 2 o'clock. 

Dear General : I receive intelligence every hour of the enemy's rapid 
approach, in consequence of which I am sending off my wagons. My 
numbers at this time are too weak to fight them. I intend to move 
towards Salisbury, in order to get near the main army. I know they 
intend to brSoig me to an action, which I am resolved carefully to avoid. 

I expect you will move somewhere on the Yadkin to oppose their cross- 
ing. I think it would be advisable to join our forces and fight them 
before they join Phillips, which they certainly will do if they are not 
stopped. I have ordered the commanding officer at Salisbury to move off 
with the prisoners and stores. If you think it right you will repeat it. I 
cannot ascertain their (the enemy's) numbers, but suppose them odds of 
two thousand ; that number, if they keep in a compact body — which I 
make no doubt they will — we cannot hurt. I have sent to Gen. Davidson 
to join me, which I expect he will do to-morrow. His strength I do not 
know, as his men were collecting yesterday. 

I am, dear General, &c., 

Daniel Morgan. 



Camp, Sherralb's Ford, 25th Jan., 1781, 12 o'clock. 
Sir : The enemy encamped last night at Ramsower's Mills, in force ; they 
marched near thirty miles yesterday. It is my opinion they intend to 
make a forced march through this part of the State, and perhaps make, or 
try to make, a junction with Phillips, high up in the country. If so, the 
position you have taken will be much out of the way. If CornwaUis and 
Leslie have joined their force, we are not able to contend with them. All 
the Southern militia have dispersed. What numbers Gen. Davidson haa 
I am not able to inform you, as they were only collecting yesterday. 



336 THE LIFE OF 

From this information, you'll be able to dispose of your army in the best 
manner. 

I am convinced Cornwallis will push on till he is stopped by a force 
able to check him. I will do every thing in my power- but you may not 
put much dependence in me, for I can neither ride nor walk ; a pain in 
the hip prevents me. I will continue to give you every intelligence in my 
power. 

I have the honor to be, &c., 

Daniel Morgan. 
Maj. Gen. Greene. 

I this moment received intelligence that the enemy are within a few 
miles of this place, moving on rapidly. My party is so weak that I think 
I must give way. 

Camp at Sherrald's Ford, Jan. 28, 1781, 

Sir : Lord Cornwallis, on the 24th inst. encamped at Ramsower's Mills, 
with his main body, on his way from Broad river. His advanced corps 
moved eight miles farther this way in the night, and returned the next 
day to their main body. He still continues at that place. My reason for 
not writing to you these two days was to find out which way they really 
intended, that I might have it in my power to inform you fully. 

I am trying to collect the militia, to make a stand at this place. Gen. 
Davidson, with five hundred militia — two hundred and fifty of which are 
without flints — I have ordered to Beatty's ford. We are filUng all the 
private fords so as to make them impassable. The one that I lie at I 
intend to leave open. On Lord Cornwallis's approach, I thought it 
advisable to order all the prisoners and stores from Salisbury towards the 
Moravian town. I am told they are gone under a weak guard ; I hope 
some of them don't get away. If the enemy pursued, I ordered them 
towards Augusta in Virginia ; should be glad you'll give orders respecting 
them. 

I shall continue to inform you of every material circumstance. I am a 
little apprehensive that Lord Cornwallis intends to surprise me, lying so 
still this day or two. But if the mihtia don't deceive me — whom I am 
obliged to trust to as guards, up and down the river — I think I will put it 
out of his power. 

If I were able to ride and see to every thing myself, I should think 
myself perfectly safe ; but I am obliged to lie in a house out of camp, not 
being able to encounter the badness of the weather. However, nothing 



GENEKAL DANIEL MOKaAN. 337 

in my power shall be left undone to secure this part of the country, and 
annoy the enemy as much as possible. 

I have the honor to be, &c., 

Daniel Morgan. 
Maj. Gen. Greene. 

Beattt's Ford, 29th Jan. 1781. 

biR: I have just arrived at this place to view our situation. Gen. 
Davidson is here with eight hundred men. The enemy is within ten miles 
of this place, in force ; their advance is in sight. It is uncertain whether 
they intend to cross here or not. I have detached two hundred men to 
the Tuckaseega Ford, to fill it up and defend it. 

An express has just arrived, who informs, that they have burned their 
wagons, and loaded their men very heavily. We have taken four prison- 
ers, who say they (the enemy) are for Salisbury. 

I am just returning to Sherrald's Fords, where our regulars lie. I 

expect they will attempt to cross in the morning. I will let you hear of 

every particular. 

I have the honor to be, &c., 

Daniel Morqaii. 
Maj. Gen. Greene. 



338 THE LIFE OF 



CHAPTER XVII. 

The disappointment of Morgan's expectations of efficient aid from the militia— Joined by 
Gen. Davidson with eight hundred men— The British at length approach the Catawba 
— The river becomes suddenly impassable— Gen. Greene arrives at Sherrald's ford— The 
Catawba subsides, when Morgan retreats to the Yadkin— The fords of the Catawba 
guarded by Davidson and his militia — The enemy cross the river— Battle at McCowan's 
ford, and death of Davidson— Tarleton's cruelty at Tarrant's tavern— Morgan crosses 
the Yadkin— His rear guard attacked by the enemy, who are repulsed— Cornwallis 
advances to the Yadkin, now also become impassable— He marches to the shallow 
fords— The American divisions concentrate at Guilford, C. H.— Morgan becomes too 
unwell to continue in the field— His letters to Gen. Greene regarding his ill-health, and 
signifying his wish for leave of absence — Greene determines to retire still farther — 
Remarks on the condition, objects and prospects of the contending forces— Morgan 
offered the command of the light troops — He obtains leave to retire — He is solicited to 
take command of the North Carolina militia — American army retreats towards Boyd's 
ferry — Morgan proceeds to Virginia — Reflections on the military events subsequent to 
the battle of the Cowpens, and on his participation therein — The misstatements regarding 
these events, and Morgan, which have crept into history, exposed. 

Morgan had determined to oppose Cornwallis's passage of the 
Catawba, if his expectations of aid from the militia should be 
realized. His force which had fought the battle of the l7th, had, 
in the meanwhile, greatly diminished. A large proportion of the 
Georgia and South Carolina volunteers had left him soon after ; 
the Virginia militia had completed their term of service, and 
were on their way home; and Pickens had been sent back with 
his command to the neighborhood of Broad river. Yet, contrary 
to his hopes, and to the assurances which had been previously 
given him, his force received no considerable accession of strength. 
The period had arrived when the people prepared the ground for 
the seed, on which the future hopes of their families for food 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 339 

depended, and thej were now nearly all engaged in tliat impor- 
tant occupation. The ardor so quickly created by the success of 
their brethren at the Cowpens, and which disposed them to tate 
the field, was as quickly cooled by the subsequent advance of 
Cornwaliis in the direction of their country. It had been the 
constant practice of the British to burn every house in their way 
which was known to belong to a whig, if the owner was not 
present to obviate the presumption that he was out with the mili- 
tia. Their march tended towards that very region on which 
Morgan chiefly relied for aid ; and the inhabitants, deeming the 
preservation of themselves and families from ruin as involving 
obligations of duty superior to those presented by their country, 
felt constrained to remain at home. Large numbers from the 
mountainous districts were also expected ; but their situation was 
too remote, and the summons for their aid too recent, to coun- 
tenance a hope for their arrival in time to aid in checking the 
further advance of the enemy. It afterwards appeared that they 
had been fully employed in defending their homes from the 
incursion of the savage allies of the enemy. 

The consequent disappointment was felt the more keenly by 
Morgan, inasmuch as it had not been foreseen. He had tasted 
of the bitterness of blasted hopes, when forced, by a similar disap- 
pointment some time previously, to forego his projected expedi- 
tion against Ninety-six and Augusta. But such representations 
had been made to him of the forces collecting in the country he 
now occupied, with the object of joining him, as led him to give 
them some share of his confidence, and to base his future opera- 
tions upon the expected aid they would render him. 

There were yet a considerable number, however, whose zeal in 
the cause absorbed all other considerations, and among these was 
the gallant Davidson, doomed in a few days to offer up his life in 
the struggle, and to add another to the long list of heroes whose 
blood purchased the rich inheritance we enjoy. While Morgan 
was approaching the Catawba, Davidson was actively engaged in 



34:0 THE LIFE OF 

assembling the militia at Salisbury. Yet after all his exertions, 
coupled with those of other commanders, no more than eight 
hundred men ever assembled. With this force, Davidson advanced 
to the Catawba, and joined Morgan at Sherraid's ford on the 2Gth 
January. 

The intelligence that Cornwallis had halted at Ramsower's, and 
that he did not intend to resume his march immediately, was very 
acceptable to Morgan. His troops could now have time to 
recover from their recent fatigues, whilst their presence would 
encourage the militia, and perhaps induce them to assemble in 
force. His prisoners and baggage would be removed still farther 
from the danger of recapture, while his troops would no longer be 
embarrassed in a care for their preservation. The continued 
delay of the British at Ramsower's, with a knowledge of its cause, 
was a source of high gratification to Morgan. For the reasons 
already stated, every additional hour of time gained was so much 
of an increase to his advantages. To these was added a know- 
ledge of the designs of the enemy, which were completely 
tmmasked by the destruction of their baggage. It was now evi- 
dent that they meditated a rapid advance towards Virginia. 

The militia, in the meantime, were slow in joining him. His 
expectations of being able to meet the .enemy at this point were 
therefore necessarily relinquished. He determined, nevertheless, 
to hold his present position until the enemy approached so close 
as to render his longer remaining hazardous, in Avhich event he 
intended retiring towards the Yadkin. He was not without hope 
that by the time he reached that river, a junction of his corps 
with the main body of the army, and a large militia force, might 
be effected. An effort, he thought, might then be made to check 
the further progress of the enemy. 

At length, on the 29th, the near approach of the enemy was 
announced. It was vain to attempt the defence of the numerous 
fords by which the Catawba was crossed, with such a handful of 
men, against so powerful an o])ponent. Morgan was therefore 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. - 341 

preparing to retire, when an event occurred, which, for a time, 
relieved his mind of all apprehensions of the enemy. 

On the 27th, Coi-nwallis, h*ftving completed the destruction of 
his bago-ag-e, put his array in motion towards the Catawba. The 
weather for some time previously had been very wet ; but on the 
28th and 29th, it rained incessantly. On the evening of the 29th, 
the Catawba began to swell. This river rises with great rapidity 
after a heavy rain ; and when much swollen, flows with an irresist- 
ible current. So high had it risen during the night, that on the 
morning of the 30th it was perfectly impassable. 

Cornwallis was hereupon forced to pause. Another and an 
unexpected cause of delay was thus added to those which had 
already baffled his efforts, and nearly driven him to madness. 
Morgan, on the other hand, derived fresh encouragement and 
additional advantages from a circumstance which seemed, and 
indeed was regarded at the time, as a special interposition o^ 
Providence in behalf of his bleeding country. 

On the morning of the 30th, the British approached the rivei 
in different directions, giving Morgan equal apprehensions for 
several fords, when the waters should subside sufficiently to render 
them practicable. This was an event which might speedily 
occur ; for in common with all mountain streams, the Catawba 
fell with the same rapidity that it rose. In the hope that it 
would continue unfordable until Greene could advance towards 
Salisbury, and be joined by the milita in that quarter, Morgan 
determined to oppose its passage while a hope of success remained. 
He had already rendered a number of the fords impassable ; and he 
now made such a disposition of his force as was best calculated to 
guard them all, and to defend those likely to be attempted. The 
regulars guarded the point at Sherrald's ford. Five hundred of 
Gen. Davidson's mili'ia were posted at the different fords above 
and below the one named, embracing a distance of more than 
twenty miles, with directions to guard against and give notice of 
any attempt at surprise. The remainder of the militia, to the 



34:2 THE LIFE OF 

number of three hundred men, all mounted and armed with 
rifles, were held together, with their patriotic leader at their 
head, and directed to observe the movements of Cornwallis, 
and be ready to assist the guard at any point which might be 
attempted. 

These arrangements of the adverse commanders were in pro- 
gress — the one bent on crossing the river, the other on the alert 
to oppose the attempt — when, on the morning of the 30th, 
General Greene, accompanied only by one aide and a small escort 
of cavalry, arrived at Morgan's encampment. 

As may readily be supposed, this distinguished commander had 
been a watchful observer of the movements west of the Catawba, 
which preceded the battle of the Cowpens. The advance of the 
British from Winnsborough and Camden was at length recog- 
nized as the resunaption of Cornwallis's invasive operations. 
Measures were accordingly taken to prepare the army on the 
Pedee for an early movement. Should it appear that the desire 
of forming a junction with Phillips, then in Virginia, had tempted 
Cornwallis to prosecute a winter campaign in that direction. Gen- 
eral Greene readily saw the necessity of moving at once higher up 
the country, and of throwing his army between the quarter 
threatened and the enemy. He could thus cover and protect his 
advancing supplies, and reinforcements, and await the moment 
when his forces would be sufficiently increased to risk a battle. 
Should the enemy, on the other hand, succeed in interposing 
between Morgan and himself, and at the same time cut oflf his 
communications with Virginia, his situation would be embarrass- 
ing in the extreme. These and other considerations — having 
reference to the operations of Marion and Lee in the South, and 
to those of Morgan in the West, to the wants and sufferings of 
his army, and the disappointment of his expectations of reinforce- 
ments and supplies — absorbed his attention, and wore him down 
with care and anxiety. His solicitude for Morgan, who, by the 
last accounts was completely environed by the enemy's entire 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 343 

force, was happily relieved on the evening* of the 25th, when he 
received intelligence of the battle of the iVth. He learned at the 
same time that Morgan was retreating towards the Catawba, and 
that Cornwallis was marching in the same direction at the head 
of his whole army. 

No longer in doubt regarding the enemy's intentions, instant 
preparations were made for an early movement. The army was 
immediately placed under marching orders. An express was 
sent to Col. Lee, with instructions to that officer to return from 
below with the greatest expedition, and join Morgan by the 
shortest route. All the detachments were called in, and the 
whole of the provisions which did not lie on the intended 
route of the army, were brought into camp. At this cri- 
tical moment, Stevens's brigade of Virginia militia had com- 
pleted their term of service, and were about returning home. 
They were instantly dispatched on their way, with orders to take 
charge of the prisoners then at Hillsborough, and hastening on 
with them so as to overtake the prisoners captured at the Cow- 
pens, to relieve the detachment having the latter in charge, and 
press on with the whole of the captives to the interior counties of 
Virginia. The heavy baggage was also ordered immediately for- 
ward in charge of the Virginia brigade, and directed to pursue the 
route to Hillsborough, where, being joined by the baggage 
removing from that place, to pursue the march across the Dan, or 
until countermanded. The army was divided into two brigades, 
the Virginia troops composing one under the command of Gen. 
Huger, the Maryland and Delaware troops, the other, under Col. 
O. H. Williams, While these preparations were going forward, 
the general addressed letters to the governors of the threatened 
States, and to the most distinguished commanders of the militia, 
informing them of the danger with which they were threatened, 
and imploring their aid to enable him to meet the enemy. 

Everything being arranged, on the 29 th, the army, led by Gen. 
Huger, moved from Hicks's creek on the Pedee, and crossing at 



344 ' THELIFEOF 

Haley^s ferry, proceeded towards Salisbury. The evening pre- 
vious, General Greene had started across the country to join 
Morgan.* 

The position of the adverse armies on both sides of the 
Catawba, upon the arrival of Gen. Greene, has been already 
described. During the same day the river began to fall; and 
before night, it became evident that in the course of two or three 
days more the fords would be practicable. The enemy appeared 
determined upon crossing; and although every preparation had 
been m.de to oppose them, their success in the attempt was 
foreseen, and measures were taken accordingly. In this event, it 
was intended to retreat towards the Yadkin. In the hope of 
being joined in that quarter by the main body of his army, as 
well as by a considerable accession to his present militia force. 
General Greene wrote to General Huger, directing the latter to 
hasten his march thither as much as possible. 

On the 31st, the Catawba subsided so rapidly, as to leave no 
doubt that it would be fordable the next day. This was a severe 
disappointment to the American commanders. Had the river 
continued high for a few days more, a force would have been col- 
lected on its banks, composed of the united divisions of the 
regulars and the numerous bodies of militia present and approach- 
ing, which would have been sufficient to dispute its passage, and 
perhaps put a period to the farther progress of the enemy. But 
no more militia were expected for a week, the forces under 
Huger had advanced but a shart distance on their march, and 
the enemy were in motion with the object of crossing the river at 
the earliest practicable moment. This, it was now evident, would 
arrive in the course of a few hours; and their active condition, no 
longer embarrassed with a heavy baggage train, rendered them 
1:1 uch more dangerous neighbors than they had hitherto been. 
I'lider these circumstances, it became advisable that Morgan and 
i !s corps should retreat. He accordingly moved off in silence on 

. * Johnson's Greene, vol. i., pp. 891-408. 



GENEKAL DANIEL MORGAN. 345 

the afternoon of the 31st, and pushing forward all that night and 
a part of the next day, gained a full day's march ahead of the 
enemy.* Pursuing his journey with unabated rapidity towards 
the Yadkin, we leave him and his gallant command on their way 
thither, and return to the Catawba, now about being the scene of 
stirring events. 

At 1 o'clock in the morning of the 1st of February, the 
British army approached the Catawba in two divisions, with the 
intention of crossing. The first division, under the command of 
Lieut. Col. Webster, was directed to approach Beatty's ford, 
where, it was supposed, the weight of opposition might be experi- 
enced, and to make a great demonstration of an intention to force 
a passage. The main body, consisting of the brigade of guards, 
the regiment of Bose, the 23rd regiment, two hundred cavalry, 
and two three-pounders, commanded by Cornwallis in person, 
approached an unfrequented ford near McCowen's ford, where it 
had been determined that the real attempt to cross the river 
should be made. 

Webster, upon approaching Beatty's ford, found it abandoned. 
The division crossed the river without delay, and took post on the 
opposite bank. Cornwallis, with his division, reached the river a 
little before daylight, and was surprised to find, judging from the 
number of fires on the opposite bank, that the opposition to his 
crossing would be greater than he had had reason to expect.f 
Whether from secret intelligence or from the vigilance with 
which every movement of the enemy was watched and provided 
against, Davidson became acquainted with the nature of this one, 
in time to prepare for its development. At the head of four 
hundred riflemen, he stood ready to dispute the passage of the 
river against a force composed of the main body of the British 
army. Nor was the attempt rash in conception, nor hopeless of 
success. Between Davidson and his opponent interposed a stream 

* Johnson's Greene, vol. i., p. 414. 
tTarleton, p. 224. Lee's Memoirs, p. 136. 
15* 



346 THE LIFE OF 

five hundred yards in width, from two to four feet in depth, and 
with a current so rapid as to require the greatest care and exer- 
tions on the part of those crossing to prevent them from being 
swept away. Cornwallis would have shrunk from the attempt 
had his judgment been uncontrolled by other considerations. 
But independent of those reasons which already existed, demand- 
ing his advance at all hazards, the certainty that the rain, which 
had recommenced falling, would again render the river impassa- 
ble for a few days, and that in the interim General Greene would 
be enabled to concentrate his forces, and perhaps be in strength 
sufficient to oppose him, left him no alternative.* The guards 
were accordingly ordered to move forward, and they were fol- 
lowed by the rest of the troops. When about midway in the 
stioam, the head of the column was discovered by the Americans, 
who immediately opened a fire upon it.f At this moment the 
British were deserted by their guide, who, alarmed at his danger, 
suddenly disappeared. This circumstance, which at first threat- 
ened Jornwallis with the most serious consequence, proved in the 
end 10 be one of the most fortunate for his movement that could 
have occurred. From the point where the guide deserted, the 
ford diverged widely to the right ; and at the usual landing-place, 
some three hundred and fifty yards below, Davidson and his men 
were posted, ready to shower destruction upon the enemy as soon 
as they approached within range. The latter, struggling slowly 
forward through an impetuous current, and fully employed in 
keeping their equilibrium and preserving their arms and ammunition 
from the water, could have made no resistance until they reached 
the opposite bank. To eftect this under the most favorable cir- 
cumstances, would have taken from fifteen minutes to half an 
hour. During this time, the deliberate fire of four hundred 
marksmen would have produced a dreadful slaughter, and per- 
haps driven the enemy back. The Americans were aware of 
their great advantages, and were fully prepared to reap them. 

♦ Tarleton, p. 262. t Tarleton, p. 224. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 347 

But unfortunately for their expectations as well as for the result, 
the British advance, now left to its own guidance, continued to move 
in a straight line across the stream, and, at length, landed without 
much opposition at a point three hundred yards above the place 
where it was expected. The darkness of the morning prevented 
this deviation from being observed by Davidson until the head of 
the column was approaching the margin of the river. Persever- 
ing, nevertheless, in his determination to oppose the landing, this 
officer moved towards the threatened point ; but before he 
arrived there, the light infantry of the guards had reached the 
shore. A sharp action immediately ensued ; and although no 
decisive advantages could be expected from a contest so unequal, 
now that the enemy had effected a landing, it was continued by 
the militia some time with great spirit. The advance of the 
militia had, however, placed them between the light of their 
camp-fires and the enemy, giving the latter an advantage too 
great to be long resisted. Davidson was in the act of mounting 
his horse to lead off his men, when he was perceived by the 
enemy. A volley of musketry was immediately fired at him, 
and unfortunately, with deadly effect. Thus fell one of the 
bravest and most patriotic of the host of heroes whose names 
shed lustre on the page of American history. The militia, upon 
the fall of their commander, immediately dispersed.* 

An earnest of the havoc which might have been made in the Bri- 
tish ranks but for the remarkable event just related, is furnished in 
the loss which they actually sustained on this occasion. Not less 
than sixty of their men were killed and wounded, and among the 
former was Lieut. Col. Hall, the commanding officer of the regi- 
ment of guards. They acknowledge a loss of forty ; but a num- 
ber, never accounted for, were killed or wounded in the river, and 
swept away by the current. The American loss was trifling in num- 
bers, but rendered irreparable in that of the lion-hearted Davidson. 

As soon as the landing at this point was completed, Tarleton, 

* Tarleton's Campaign, pp. 224-5. Johnson's Greene, p. 415. Stedman's American war. 



348 THE LIFE OF 

with his cavahy and the 23rd regiment, was ordered to move rapidly 
forward towards Slierrald's and Beatty's fords, and attack the Ameri- 
can forces, which were still supposed to be encamped at those 
places. Upon arriving at Beatty's ford, Tarleton was informed 
that Morgan had moved towards Salisbury the evening before. 
He also learned that the militia, having retired from the diiferent 
fords, were to assemble that afternoon at Tarrant's tavern. At 
this place, distant about ten miles from the Catawba, the roads 
from the different fords converged into that leading to Salisbury. 
Leaving the infantry about five miles east of the river, Tarleton, 
accompanied by the cavalry only, pushed forward towards the 
place of meeting, with the intention of attacking the militia, should 
they be found there.* 

When Morgan retreated towards Salisbury, orders had been 
given that the militia, stationed at the different fords, and held in 
observation, should retire in the same direction, if the enemy 
succeeded in effecting a passage of the river. To give precision 
to this order, a rendezvous was named at the house of Mr. Carr, 
on the road to Salisbur}^, about sixteen miles from the Catawba, 
where, it was expected, the militia would assemble in undiminished 
numbers. But the retreat of the regular force, the fall of 
Davidson, and the advance of the British, combined to render 
this expectation exceedingly illusory. A large proportion of the 
militia who had been in the field up to this time, now directed 
their steps homeward, some under the belief that a farther 
struggle would be unavailing, and others, from the fear that the 
discovery of their absence by the enemy would leave them 
without a home to go to. A number, however, too zealous in the 
cause to desert it in the hour of adversity, proceded towards the 
designated place of meeting. But of the eight hundred who 
were in arms the day before under Davidson, not more than three 
hundred ever re-assembled. Nearly this number, however, met 
at Tarrant's tavern, about noon, and believing themselves beyond 

* Tarleton, p. 226, 



GENEEAL DANIEL MORGAN. 34:9 

tlie reach of immediate danger, halted to take some rest and 
refreshment before they resumed their journey. Fortunately, the 
usual precautions against surprise had not been neglected, and the 
approach of Tarleton was announced in sufficient time to enable 
the militia to prepare themselves for fight or flight, as circum- 
stances might determine. Col. Jackson, who so greatly distin- 
guished himself at the Cowpens, assumed the direction of the 
militia. Owing to liis exertions with a few officers and men, the 
loss of the Americans in the contest which ensued was trifling, 
compared to what it otherwise might have been ; while that of 
the enemy was far too great to compensate for the empty triumph 
they obtained. As Tarleton approached, the militia, mounted and 
ready for flight, poured a well directed volley into his ranks, which 
killed and wounded seven of his men, and dismounted fifteen 
more. Then dashing into the woods, they eluded the charge 
directed against them, and were soon beyond the reach of pursuit.'* 
A few old men and boys, some of them non-combatants, and 
others too badly mounted to hope for escape by flight, sought for 
mercy in submission. But notwithstanding their supplications, 
which were drowned in the enemy's cries of " remember the 
Cowpens " — the watchword given by Tarleton f — they were 
barbarously cut down. The recollections of that glorious battle 
should have taught this inhuman commander mercy to the van- 
quished above all things else. In this way was swelled the number 
which he claims as the sacrifice to victory on that occasion. 

Morgan in the mean time was prosecuting his retreat towards 
the trading ford on the Yadkin with the greatest diligence. His 
destruction, he knew, was a darling object with the British com- 
mander, who, he felt assured, would spare no exertions, and run 
all hazards, to eflfect it. During the march, the rain fell in 
torrents, which he foresaw would probably render the Yadkin 
unfordable before he reached its banks. But this caused him no 
anxiety, beyond that arising from his own bodily sufferings, which 

* Johnson's Greene, pp. 415-416. t Tarleton's Campaign, p. 226. 



350 THE LIFE OF 

were thus greatly increased, and from a desire for the comfort and 
health of his men. Some days before he left the Catawba, and 
in anticipation of a retreat to the Yadkin, he had taken the pre- 
caution to cause a number of boats to be collected at the point 
towards which he was now tending. Thus, if the pursuit was so 
hot as to compel him to cross the river, he had all the facilities 
for effecting the movement, even if the fords were impassable ; 
while in this event the enemy would be compelled, from the want 
of boats, to make another halt until the waters subsided, before 
they could effect a passage. 

On the morning of the 2nd of February, Morgan reached 
Salisbury. Proceeding thence to the trading ford on the Yadkin, 
he encamped on the western bank of that river the same day. 

The next morning, Morgan received intelligence that the enemy 
were approaching Salisbury. The river also began to rise. Pru- 
dence therefore dictated a passage of his forces to the opposite 
bank. The boats were accordingly soon employed in the trans- 
portation of the infantry and baggage, while the cavalry and 
mounted militia swam or waded the stream. 

During the march from the Catawba to the Yadkin, hundreds 
of the inhabitants of the intermediate country, apprehensive of 
remaining behind, and experiencing the tender mercies of 
the British, had collected with their families and effects in the 
rear of the corps, and followed its footsteps. Men who belonged 
to the region which was denounced as "the most rebellious* in 
America," had good reason to fear contact with an enemy, whose 
cruelties extended even to the loyalist inhabitants. To protect 
these unhappy victims of war, artd to facilitate their passage 
across the river, was a duty, the force of which no man could feel 
stronger than Morgan. While the boats were passing and 
repassing, bearing their families and effects across, a strong rear 
guard remained on the western bank of the river. About dark, 
information was received that a body of the enemy was approach- 
ing. The measures for effecting the passage of the fugitives, their 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 851 

wagons, &c., across the river were now expedited ; but before the 
business was comiDleted, the advanced guard of the British had 
arrived. 

We left Cornwallis on the eastern side of the Catawba. Imme- 
diately after passing the river, he recommenced vigorously the 
pursuit of Morgan. His progress was, however, so impeded by 
the miserable state of the roads, as to induce him to destroy the 
scanty store of baggage which remained on his hands from the 
conflagration at Ramsower's. Learning, upon his arrival at 
Salisbury, on the 3d of February, that Morgan was still on the 
western bank of the Yadkin, Gen. O'Hara, with the guards, the 
regiment of Bose, and the cavalry, was sent to attack him. 
Owing to the rain, to the darkness, and to the bad roads, the 
detachment did not reach its destination till near midnight. 

The country people had, in the mean time, crossed the river 
with all their effects, excepting a few wagons. The rear guard 
and a number of militia still remained behind. Notwithstanding 
the imposing array of the enemy, and the eager haste of their 
pursuit, which implied overtaking as equivalent to capturing the 
whole of Morgan's command, they were courageously met by this 
handful of men ; and after a smart skirmish, repulsed with con- 
siderable loss. An attempt by the guards to seize the boats was 
rendered signally abortive ; and the enemy, having succeeded in 
capturing the remaining wagons at the cost of about twenty of 
their men, retired from the contest, leaving their opponents undis- 
turbed in effecting a passage of the river.* 

The next day Cornwallis approached the river, which in the 
mean time had become impassable by fording, and opened a 
furious cannonade upon the American forces on the opposite 
bank. The latter were so posted, however, as to secure them 
from danger, yet near enough promptly to repel any attempt to 
cross the river. But this was impossible, as all the boats had 
been carefully withdrawn beyond the reach of the British. The 

Johnson's Greene, vol. i., p. 418. 



352 THE LIFE OF 

cannonade seems to have been nothing more than a vent for 
disappointed rage, and resembled the barking of an angry dog 
that was precluded from biting. 

Hitherto Cornwallis had endeavored to overtake Morgan before 
a junction of that officer's corps could be effected with the main 
body under Huger. He now^ adopted the resolution of getting 
between the united American forces and the upper fords of the 
Dan, and of forcing them to an engagement before they could be 
reinforced by the North Carolina and Virginia militia, then 
preparing to march to their assistance. Could he gain these 
fords before Greene, the obligation of the latter to fight, he 
fancied, would follow as a necessary consequence, because he knew 
that the lower fords of the Dan were not practicable, and he did 
not suppose that preparations would or could be made at these 
points for crossing the army in boats. Full of ihis idea, he put 
an end to his idle cannonade, withdrew from the bank of the 
river, and put his troops in motion for the shallow fords, some 
fifteen miles higher up the stream.* 

In consequence of the enemy's rapid advance, the expectations 
of being able to concentrate the American forces on the Yadkin 
were necessarily abandoned. The orders which had previously 
been given to Gen. Huger to march towards Salisbury were 
accordingly countermanded. He was now directed to proceed 
with all expedition to Guilford court-house, at which place Gen. 
Greene now intended to eftect a junction of his forces. Thither 
the troops on the Yadkin were also ordered to proceed without 
delay. On the morning of the 5th, Morgan's corps, under the 
command of Lieut. Col. Howard, took up their line of march to 
the point indicated. 

At this time Morgan had become so much enfeebled as to 
disqualify him for the performance of any active duty. It was 
necessary, however, that arrangements should be made at Guil- 
ford court-house to provide the troops with quarters and supplies 

* Johnson's Greene, vol. i., p. 419. 



GENERAL DANIEL MOEGAN. 353 

in advance of their arrival at that place. These arrangements 
were best ensured by the personal superintendence of the com- 
mandinjy officer. Morgan accordingly started in advance of the 
corps in a carriage, and reached Guilford the same evening. 

On the evening of the 5th, the corps encamped in the neighbor- 
hood of Salem. Halting at this point for two days, to obtain 
intelligence of the enemy's movements, the march was resumed 
on learning that Cornwallis was in full march for the shallow fords 
of the Yadkin. Proceeding without further delay, the troops 
reached Guilford court-house on the evening of the 8th. 

Morgan, although so unwell as scarcely to be able to appear 
abroad, had nevertheless made ample provision for their reception. 
Comfortable quarters, or a sufficiency of good food, to say nothing 
of luxuries, had long been strangers to this gallant body of men. 
Their commander did not rest until he had secured them the 
enjoyment of both upon their arrival. 

This duty having been performed, Morgan's thoughts were 
seriously turned towards retiring from active service for a short 
period ; hoping that in the meantime his health might be 
restored. The violent malady which, in 1'7'79, forced him to 
relinquish a sphere of action as serviceable to his country as it was 
honorable to himself, had again returned. This, when added to 
the fever and ague, and other complaints which had afflicted him 
almost from the outset of his career in the South, had worn him 
to the bone, and at length left him no alternative but to 
relinquish his command, and to seek relief in rest and tranquillity. 
Before the battle of the Cowpens, and subsequently, up to the 
time when he took post on the east bank of the Catawba, the 
appeals of bodily sufferings were unheeded amid the anxieties 
and excitements of that stirring period. But when it became 
apparent that the enemy had determined to prosecute a winter 
campaign, he felt himself quite unable to encounter the hard- 
ships and fatigues which must necessarily follow. While lying at 
Sherrald's Ford, he communicated the following letter to Greene, 



354 THE LIFE OF 

stating his inability longer to keep the field, and soliciting 
a temporary leave of absence : 

Camp, Sherrald's Ford, Catawba, Jan. 24, 1781. 

Dear Sir : After my late success, and my sanguine expectations to do 
something clever this campaign, I must inform you that I shall be obhged 
to give over the pursuit, by reason of an old pain returning upon me, that 
laid me up for four months of last winter and spring. It is a sciatica pain 
in my hip, that renders me entirely incapable of active services. I have, 
had it these three weeks past, but on getting wet the other day, it has 
seized me more violently, which gives me great pain when I ride, and at 
times when I am walking or standing, am obliged to sit down in the place 
it takes me, as quick as if I were shot. I am so well acquainted with this 
disorder, that I am convinced that nothing will help me but rest; and 
were I to attempt to go through this winter's campaign, I am satisfied it 
would totally disable me from further service. 

I am not unacquainted with the hurt my retiring will be to the service, 
as the people have much dependence in me ; but the love I have for my 
country, and the willingness I have always showed to serve it, will convince 
you that nothing would be wanting on my side were I able to persevere. 
So that I must beg leave of absence, till I find myself able to take the 
field again, which will, I imagine, be some time in the spring. If I can 
procure a chaise, I will endeavor to get home. Gen. Davidson, Col. 
Pickens, and Gen. Sumter (when he gets well, which, I am told, will no t 
be long first) can manage the miUtia better than I can, and will well 
supply my place. 

I have the honor, &c., 

Daniel Morgan. , 

Maj. Gen. Greene. r" 

Perceiving at length that his illness increased, and that relief 
was hopeless while he essayed to perform the duties of his 
command ; convinced, besides that delay in seeking the necessary 
repose would only have the eftect of protracting his recovery, the 
following letter on this and other matters, was written to Greene : 

Guilford Court House, Wi Feb. 1781. 
Sir: I arrived here last evening, and sent a number of prisoners that 
were here to join the main body. About four thousand pounds of salted 
pork and bacon is promised nic, corn meal equivalent, forage, &c. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 355 

I am much indisposed with pains, and to add to ray misfortunes, am 
violently attacked with the piles, so that I can scarcely sit upon my horse. 
This is the first time that I ever experienced this disorder, and from the 
idea I had of it, sincerely prayed that I might never know what it was. 
When I set everything in as good a train as I can respecting provisions, 
&c., I shall move on slowly to some safe retreat, and try to recover. 

Col. Buford is left upon the lower road to Hillsborough, not able to go 
further. 

I am, sincerely, &c., 

Daniel Morgan. 

Maj. Gen. Greene. 

The troops under Gen. Huger, with the cavalry of Col. Lee's 
legion, reached Guilford court-house on the 9th of February. 
There were now assembled at this place a force somewhat over 
two thousand, of which six hundred were militia. The enemy's 
numbers were supposed to range between twy thousand five hun- 
dred and three thousand. Gen. Greene, under the impression 
that the junction of his regulars would be immediately followed 
by a large accession to his militia force, had pre-determined to 
face about and meet the enemy as soon as this junction could be 
effected. With the aid of one thousand or one thousand five hun- 
dred additional militia, and the advantages of position, the chances 
would have greatly preponderated in his favor. For although 
the enemy outnumbered him vastly in regular troops, those of 
that description under his command were inferior to none in the 
world. It was advisable, besides, that some vigorous effort should 
be made, which would deter the tories from assembling, revive 
the drooping spirits of the whigs, and weaken the impression, 
now rapidly spreading abroad, that the advance of the British 
would be a career of successive triumphs. But so disheartened 
had the people in this region become by the persecutions and 
losses which they had experienced, and by the gloomy prospect 
of the cause, that their immediate co-operation was not to be 
expected ; and with feelings of deep mortification, not unmingled 
with alarm, Gen. Greene contemplated a continuance of his 



356 THE LIFE OF 

retreat. A movement of this kind by the upper fords of the 
Dan, if ever seriously considered by hini, was now impracticable. 
The enemy had reached a point nearer to these fords than that 
occupied by his forces, and equally near to those below. A 
retreat to the lower fords would necessarily be a trial of sjjced 
between the opposing armies; and unless ample preparations 
were previously made to transport the American troops across 
without delay, such an attempt, in the face of an enemy powerful 
and active, and aware of his adversary's object, would be exceed- 
ingly dangerous. The absence of the expected aid from the mili- 
tia, however, rendered it highly imprudent to risk a battle ; and 
the assurance which was now given Gen. Greene, that every pre- 
paration had been made for effecting a speedy passage of the 
Dan at Boyd's ferry, threw the weight of reasoning in favor of a 
retreat.* 

There was one alternative left to Gen. Greene besides, and that 
was, to retrace his steps into South Carolina. But the objects to 
be gained by such a movement, however important in themselves, 
were yet subordinate to those which he hoped to accomplish by 
that now under consideration. Among these were the protection 
of the country as yet free from the footsteps of an invader ; the 
people of which, he felt assured, would aid him by th<5lisands 
when the danger approached their doors; the prevention of a 
junction between Phillips and Cornwallis, and the preservation of 
his communications with those quarters, whence his means of 
subsistence were derived, and his reinforcements were expected. 
Another and a powerful reason in favor of a retreat was furnished 
in the unprovided state of the enemy. By the destruction of 
their baggage, they had rendered themselves unequal to the 
accomplishment of any enterprise, covering a wide field of opera- 
tions and requiring time for its development. The militia of the 
country in their rear were already on foot, with Sumter and 
Pickens at their head ; thus all prospect of being supplied from 

♦Johnson's Greene, pp. 246-248. 



GENERAL DANIEL MOEGAN. 35T 

their depots in South Carolina was effectually cut off. Should 
the retreat be successfully prosecuted, General Greene felt assured 
that the result would yield him all the practical advantages of a 
victory. The unavailing efforts of the enemy to overtake him 
would but increase their difficulties, and hasten the period of their 
final overthrow. 

The determination to retreat was followed by the adoption of 
measures the best calculated to bring it to a successful issue. 
Among these was one, having for its object the formation of a 
powerful and active corps of light troops, to cover the rear of the 
retreating army, and to check and impede the advance of the 
enemy. Howard's battalion of light infantry, Lee's legionary 
corps, and Washington's cavalry, with two companies of riflemen, 
numbering in all over seven hundred men, were accordingly 
thrown together, and organized for this service. The command 
of this splendid corps was offered to Gen. Morgan, But as may 
be inferred from the tenor of his letters, already given, in relation 
to his ill-health, he was forced to decline the honor ; and, indeed, 
the offer was made more as a tribute of respect due to his rank 
and to his merits and services, than from any expectation of 
his accepting it. With a heavy heart he declined the proffered 
command, and repeated his desire for leave to retire until suffi- 
ciently recovered to justify his return to the army. 

The occasion was one on which Gen. Greene could badly spare 
the aid and counsels of a man, in whose address and judgment he 
placed the most unbounded confidence. A heart as courageous, 
and a head as cool, might, he thought, be often wanting in the 
course of the hazardous operations on which he was about 
embarking. But he well knew that the desire to remain was felt 
as strongly by Morgan as it could possibly be by himself; and to 
venture upon persuasion in the face of circumstances which pro- 
claimed the impossibilit}'' of a compliance, was a course too 
ungenerous to be resorted to by Gen. Greene. He accordingly 
yielded the solicited leave of absence in the form and words fol 
lowing : 



358 THE LIFE OF 

Camp at Guilford, C. H., Feb. Vsth, 1781 . 
Gen. Morgar., of the Virginia line, has leave of absence until he recovers 

his health, so as to be able to take the field again. 

Nathaniel Greene. 

Before Morgan departed, another offer of command was made 
to him, which, while it paid a high compliment to his reputation, 
and displayed in a manner highly flattering to his feelings, his great 
popularity with the people, must at the same time have added 
to the bitterness of his regret in being forced to decline it. As 
has been already stated, the advance of the British beyond the 
Yadkin was immediately follcrwed by a general uprising of the 
whigs west of that river. But the fall of Davidson had left them 
without a leader, whose name and talents would exercise a con- 
trolling influence, and whose judgment and courage would inspire 
confidence. To pro^dde for this deficiency, a meeting of the lead- 
ing whigs was held at Charlotte, three days after the British had 
left that place, the result of which was an application to Gen. 
Greene to permit Morgan to command them. The assurance was 
added that a compliance would be attended by the most cheering 
effects, and draw hundreds to the field who would otherwise keep 
aloof. But to comply was impossible, and Gen. Greene, in reply- 
ino-, remarked, "The general is so unwell that he could not dis- 
charge the duties of the appointment if he had it."* 

Although Morgan could not take the command of the light 
troops, he influenced the choice of his commander in the selection 
of an officer for that post. At his instance and recommendation, 
the command was conferred upon his friend Col. O. H. Williams, 
an officer well worthy of that or any other trust, however 
important, as was signally proved in his masterly conduct of the 
retreat. 

On the 10th of February, the main body of the army left 
Guilford court-house, on the direct road to Boyd's Ferry ; while 
Williams, with his detachment, advancing towards the upper 
fords of the Dan as if with the intention of passing across them, 

* Johnson's Greene, vol. i., pp. 413-427. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 359 

placed himself in front of the enemy. The aim of the manoeuvre 
was to gain time, and it was successful. Cornwallis, uncertain as 
to the force of his opponent and the object of this movement, 
halted to acquire the necessary information and to guard against 
an attack, by contracting his much extended line of march. 
Before the British were again in motion, Greene, pushing forward 
with the greatest expedition, had gained nearly a day's march on 
them.* 

On the same day, Morgan departed from Guilford court-house, 
and crossing the Dan at Lower Saura, proceeded on the direct 
route to Fredericksburg. 

Here, for a time, terminated the connection of Morgan with the 
important events of the revolutionary struggle. Like him, we 
reluctantly bid adieu to the campaign in the Carolinas, then 
pregnant with so many glorious fields, and since associated with 
such fond recollections; while with feelings of regret akin to 
those he experienced, we follow his footsteps from the field. 

The numerous errors into which historians general!)- have been 
led regarding the memorable events just detailed, have unfortu- 
nately produced impressions on the public mind, in relation to 
these events, which truth and justice alike demand should be 
removed. These errors have had the efiect, besides, of greatly 
impairing the value of the services rendered by Morgan, during 
the period to which they refer, and of inflicting undeserved injury 
on his fame. A cursory examination of the facts will serve to 
illustrate the truth of these assertions. 

The events previous to, and attendant on, the battle of the 
Cowpens, have already been sufficiently considered. Those which 
followed that memorable aftair, up to the time when Morgan 
reached Guilford court-house, will now engage attention. 

Nearly all those authors who have made the revolutionary war 
and its prominent men the themes of their pens, appear enraptured 
with the conduct of Cornwallis during that stirring period. On 

* Johnson's Greene, vol. i., p. 431. 



360 THE LIFE OF 

the otlier hand they seem to regard Morgan as the peculiar 
favorite of fortune, and to attribute his extrication from the grasp 
of his adversary, to causes reflecting little credit on his 
judgment or address. These erroneous ideas originated in a 
grave misconception of the motives and the acts of the respective 
commanders. 

Believinof that the best method of extricating^ truth from error 
is always furnished in a plain recapitulation of events, in our 
narration of those under consideration, we had a constant and. 
careful reference to accuracy, particularly so as regards dates ; and 
happily, the means of placing the whole subject in the clearest 
and most convincing light were at our disposal in the greatest 
abundance. If tha reader is satisfied that the accounts we have 
laid before him were gathered from authentic sources — and we 
assure him that they were — he need not be informed at this stage 
of Morgan's life, that much of error regarding the period and the 
man defaces the page of history. 

With respect to Cornwallis, it is asserted, that from the moment 
when intelligence reached him of the battle of Cowpens, he 
pursued Morgan with great rapidity, and that nothing but the 
sudden interposition of an impassable river prevented his eflbrts 
from being successful. The sacrifice of his baggage to the desire 
of overtaking Morgan is mentioned as an event preliminary to the 
pursuit. His conduct during this part of the campaign is com- 
mented on with peculiar marks of favor, and has earned him 
plaudits on both sides of the Atlantic. His failure to overtake 
Morgan is attributed to causes beyond human control, and the 
hand of Providence itself is recognized in the succession of almost 
miraculous circumstances, which, it is alleged, contributed to baflle 
the eflbrts of one commander, and to favor those of the other. 

It has already been seen with what little justice, wisdom of 
decision and vigor of action have been accorded to Cornwallis, 
and denied to Morgan. One of the first duties of a commander 
is to keep himself well informed of the movements of his 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 361 

adversary. He thus acquires the moans of penetrating the inten- 
tions of his opponent ; and this, in the opinion of one of the 
greatest captains of the age, is the chief element of military 
success. Yet, besides other proofs which might be adduced, we 
have the evidence of Cornwallis's official letters, to show that he 
was in constant ignorance of Morgan's position, strength, and 
movements.* Three days elapsed after the battle, before infor- 
mation was received on which he thought he could act decisively. 
'y'Yet the defectiveness of this was such as to lead him in a direction 
almost the reverse of that pursued at the same moment by 
Morgan. Many other equally culpable proofs of Cornwallis's 
neglect, in this respect, during the campaign of 1Y81, might be 
cited. His belief that Greene would be unable to cross the lower 
fords of the Dan for the want of flats,f and that the latter was 
conseqently in his power, is a memorable instance. Morgan, on 
the contrary, had always paid the greatest attention to this 
important duty. To his care in this respect is to be attributed 
the fcict, that notwithstanding the dangerous description of service 
in wliich he had been engaged during his long military career, he 
never experienced a surprise. His conduct and his letters alike 
prove the watchfulness with which he regarded Cornwallis, and the 
care which he took to provide himself with correct information 
regarding that officer's movements. y^Q overrated the sagacity of 
his adversary when, after the battle, he expressed the liveliest 
apprehensions of being cut oif in his retreat to the Catawba. The 
tardy and ill concerted attempt with this object which was really 
made, proved how correctly Morgan divided the objects of his 
opponent, and displayed the judgment which dictated a prompt 
and rapid retreat. 

The destruction, by Cornwallis, of his baggage, was not a 
measure preparatory to his pursuit of Morgan. It took place 
eight days after that pursuit commenced. So far from deserving 

* Tarleton's Campaign, pp. 242-252. 

t Letter, 17th of March, 1781, to Lord George Germain. 

16 



THE LIFE OF 

the applause which certain historians have showered upon him 
for this act, he merited the severest condemnation. By it, he 
hazarded every chance of success in the attainment of an object 
of secondary importance, the accomplishment of which he must 
have seen, had his judgment been uncontrolled by passion, was 
forever beyond his reach. Both Morgan and Greene had the 
sagacity to perceive that this desperate resort, if turned to good 
account, would but hasten his downfall, and subsequent events 
confirmed the correctness of their conclusions. 

Morgan's retreat and Cornwallis's pursuit to the Catawba have 
been described as a trial of speed between the contending 
generals.* So much does this idea prevail among writers on the 
subject, that nearly all of them unite in regarding the contest as 
" a military race." Yet, judging from the time employed and the 
distance accomplished during the movement, it doe^ not appear 
that either of these commanders is entitled to much credit on the 
score of rapid travelling. The average of Morgan's daily march 
from the field of the Cowpens, was not more than ten miles, and 
at no time did it exceed twenty miles in a day. The distance from 
the battle-field to Guilford court-house, is about one hundred and 
fifty miles ; yet the time employed on the march between these 
points was twenty-three days. His troops seem to have enjoyed 
on this occasion more than the. usual share of repose allotted to 
armies on the retreat before an enemy. The evening after the 
battle he halted for the night on the north bank of the Broad 
river. The night of the eighteenth was passed in the neighbor- 
hood of the Cane Creek. Upon reaching the eastern bank of the 
Catawba, he paused for eight days. After retreating to the Yad- 
k* two days were spent in the neighborhod of that stream, and 
two days more were passed inactively near Salem before the 
troops reached Guilford court-house. So far from being a pi-ecip- 
itate flight, as has been asserted on respectable authority, it was 
one of the most admirably conducted retreats on record. Until 

* Ramsay vol., ii., p. 207 



GENERAL DANIEL MOEGAN. 863 

Morgan reached the Catawba, the rapidity and direction of his 
movements were influenced by those of his powerful oi3ponent. 
These, as has been seen, furnished no cause for extraordinary exer- 
tions. Morgan's solicitude ceased upon his learning, the evening 
after the battle, that Cornwallis was still in his camp at Turkey 
Creek. From the moment when he reached the Catawba, and had 
secured his prisoners and baggage from recapture, his after move- 
ments were continued invitations of pursuit. He justly thought 
that if a force sufficient to fight and beat the enemy could not be 
collected at the Yadkin, every additional step taken by the latter 
beyond that point, in their present unprovided state, would serve 
only to increase their difficulties, and to add to the number of 
their opponents. 

The admiration which history has awarded to Cornwallis for 
the conduct of his army during the period in question was justly 
the right of Morgan. At one time timid to weakness, at another 
rash to desperation, now full of activity and boldness, and then 
relaxed and spiritless, his operations could have had no more for- 
tunate issue than that which befell them. The judgment and vigor 
which Morgan displayed, crowned all his efforts with signal suc- 
cess ; and the result stands an imperishable memorial of his great 
military merit. 

Other charges of a graver and more direct nature have been 
made against Morgan. These will now be disposed of. 

It is asserted that Morgan, having crossed the Catawba, medi- 
tated crossing his army and prisoners over the mountains ; and 
that the remonstrances of General Greene against the prosecution 
of this design were productive of a serious disagreement between 
these officers.* A dialogue of an unpleasant nature in relation to 
this, is foisted upon the world is having really occurred between 
them. It is also asserted that Morgan's designs evinced a disre- 
gard for the safety of the main body of the army.f These are all 
misstatements. 

* Ramsay, vol. ii., p. 206. Moultrie, vol. ii., p. 260. 
t Lee's Memou's, p. 431. 



364 THE LIFE OF 

After Morgan succeeded in passing the Catawba, there was no 
longer the slightest necessity for resorting to so desperate a meas- 
ure as that of crossing the mountains. Thenceforward the road to 
Virginia lay invitingly open before him. His letter to Gen. Greene, 
of the 23d January, the day when he reached Sherrald's Ford, 
proves that he had no such designs. It proves, moreover, that he 
intended holding his ground until he had heard from his comman- 
der. From this letter and another written the day following, both 
of which have been inserted, conclusive evidence is furnished, that 
the prisoners were sent on to Salisbury on the 23d. Greene 
arrived at Morgan's camp on the 30th. Thus before it was possi- 
ble for an altercation to occur between Greene and Morgan, we find 
the former cordially acquiescing in the only suggestion, which the 
latter had occasion to make regarding them. As will be noticed 
in the letter of the 23d, Morgan suggests that Major Trij^lett's 
command, which had been sent forward with the prisoners, 
should be relieved of their charge by the brigade of militia under 
Gen. Stevens. Gen. Greene acquiesced in this arrangement and 
gave orders accordingly.* No reliance is to be placed on the 
statement that any misunderstanding ever took place between 
Morgan and Greene. A large number of their letters are now 
before us, and the uniformly friendly tone which pervades them, 
gives a prompt denial to the unsupported charge. . 

Nor are we left in doubt as to the tendency of Morgan's designs, 
particularly as they affected the operations of Gen. Greene. All 
his measures, all his communications, before and after the battle 
of the Cowpens, conclusively prove, that he did not merit the 
imputation of having disregarded the wishes or obstructed the 
designs of his general. One of his letters from Sherrald's Ford, 
dated the 25ih, expresses the expectation that Greene will move 
towards the Yadkin to oppose its passage by the British ; and 
with this view, declares the intention of the writer, " to move 
towards Salisbury, in order to get near the main army." His 

* Johnson's Greene, pp. 808, 899. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 365 

attempts to establish magazines of provisions and forage above 
his position on Broad river, have also been cited in proof of a 
design to act independently of his commander. But as may be 
seen by reference to the letter of instructions, written to Morgan 
by Greene, the idea of these magazines originated with that officer 
himself. Their establishment was ordered as a measure indispen- 
sable to a rapid movement towards the mountains, should the 
enemy leave Morgan no other means of escaping a conflict with 
an overwhelming force, or of eflecting a junction with the main 
body. 

But the most serious charges of all are founded upon the cir- 
cumstance of Morgan's retirement from the army. It is insinua- 
ted that the illness which was assigned by him as the reason for 
his wish for a temporary leave of absence, was by no means 
serious, if not altogether simulated. It is more than hinted that 
he adopted this determination from an apprehension that the 
contest would ultimately be unfortunate for his country, or from a 
conviction that his reputation had been accidentally acquired, 
and would not survive the vicissitudes of the war. It is further- 
more stated that his departure left impressions upon many 
in the army, not very favorable to the purity of his patriot- 
ism.* 

During the dreadful campaign of 1775, in Canada, Morgan 
contracted a sciatical affection. From this and other ailments, he 
was forced, in the year 1779, to retire from the army and return 
to his home. Shortly after the period when he took the field 
under Gates, he was seized with an ague and fe^^. A letter now 
•before us from his friend. Col. 0. H. Williams/olted November 
8th, 1780, contains this passage: "I hope you have become per- 
fectly well, and feel no more of your ague and fever." But the 
friendly expectation was not realized ; his health grew worse ; and 
at the time when he was ordered across the Catawba, he was suf- 
fpi'ing severely from this distressing complaint. Shortly after 

* General Lee. 



S66 THE LIFE OF 

operations commenced on Broad river, the weather became 
exceedingly cold and rainy. The exposure as well as the fatigue 
to which he was constantly subjected, not only aggravated his 
ague and fever, but also brought on a fresh attack of his sciatica. 
During his subsequent movements, up to the time when he 
reached Guilford court-house, he suffered from the combined 
effects of these and other complaints to the verge of human 
endurance ; and on his arrival at that place, he was completely 
exhausted, and quite unequal to further exertions. His ill-health 
is a subject of remark and condolement in nearly all the letters 
addressed to him for some weeks previously to his retirement. 
In the letter granting the solicited leave of absence, and in that 
replying to the offer of command by the whigs of Mecklenburg, 
Gen. Greene declares that Morgan was unable to keep the field. It 
is susceptible of proof that he was obliged to pause for a fortnight 
on his journey homeward, owing to the severity of his suff"erings ; 
and that for some time after his return to his family, he was 
unable to appear abroad. The congratulatory letters which sub- 
sequently reached him from Congress, the authorities of Virginia, 
and other high sources, consequent upon his victory at the Cow- 
pens, all off"ered him their condolence on account of his ill-health. 
He left the army with extreme reluctance, cheered only with the 
belief that he would soon be sufficiently restored to rejoin it. 
But for months afterwards, his illness rather increased than 
diminished ; and during the remainder of the war, his health was 
too feeble to permit him to take more than a partial part in its 
operations. When, during the succeeding summer, Cornwallis 
seriously threatened the independence of Virginia, Morgan, as 
will be seen in the sequel, essayed once more to wield his sword, 
and by the side of his young friend, Lafayette, to meet again his 
old adversary, Cornwallis. But he was speedily obliged to relin- 
quish the design, and to seek relief from pain in the curative prO' 
perties of the waters at Bath. 

Little need be said in vindication of Morgan's claims to be 



GENERAL DAKIEL MOEGAN. 367 

considered a pure and zealous patriot, and an active and able 
commander. His life was a succession of sacrifices to the good 
jf his country ; and in this is to be found his best defence against 
the charges referred to. From the commencement of the war to 
its close, he was a fervent advocate of American independence ; 
and when out of the field of warlike operations, iie was in the 
prisons of the enemy, or on the bed of sickness. During this 
period, his services, whether we regard their amount, their value 
or their brilliancy, were not surpassed by those of any other 
oflScer in the army, except the commander-in-chief. He partici- 
pated in, or had the direction of, nearly fifty contests with the 
enemy, eight of which were general engagements; and of the 
number of those in which he commanded, in no instance did he 
fail of success, except under circumstances that awarded him all 
the merit due to a victory. His patriotism was proof to the 
tempting offers of Sir Guy Caj-leton, who sought to make him 
exchange the squalid and hopeless lot of a prisoner for the rank 
and emoluments of a colonelcy in the British army. Its purity 
was again signally displayed in his resistance of the seductions of 
those who would have perilled the cause in their effort to super- 
sede the man, then as now regarded by all well-wishers of their 
country as its ablest defender. Few men in those times succeeded 
in establishing a higher reputation on a broader or firmer founda- 
tion ; still fewer were they whose zeal in the cause was more 
ardent, or whose confidence in its ultimate triumph was more 
unflagging. The charges more than implied in the strictures of 
his detractors, that he had ever shown a disinclination to face the 
enemy, or that he had ever betrayed a lukewarm ness in tho 
cause, are contradicted by his whole career, and cannot be sus- 
tained by a particle of proof. 

Not less unfounded is the statement that his departure from t.ue 
army left impressions unfavorable to his patriotism. His illness 
had been of too long standing and too much severity to escape 
general notice or to leave room for a doubt as to its reality. The 



368 THE LIFE OF 

motive assigned for Lis retirement was therefore too obvious to be 
mistaken. But even had it been otherwise, the high estimation 
in which he was held by the army wonld have secured him 
against misconstruction, even where his conduct admitted of 
question. The regret with which all witnessed his departure was 
unmingled with any feeling incompatible with the warmest 
regard, the highest respect. His subsequent correspondence with 
Gen. Greene and his other friends in the army, portions of which 
will be given, furnished nothing whatever, showing that the rela- 
tions of regard and confidence which existed between them had 
been disturbed. On the contrary, it indicates that these feebngs 
had acquired additional strength from his absence. It shows, 
that while he is constantly deploring his inability to take a part in 
those active measures which he is as constantly suggesting, his late 
companions in arms are profuse in their professions of friendship 
and admiration, and lament the unavoidable causes which compel 
them to defer their hopes for his return to the field. 

Let us, then, vindicate the truth cf revolutionary history, and 
expunge from its pages representations of the man ai.d his ser- 
vices which are so palpably erroneous, and which seem tj be based 
upon a false estimate of his character and motives. 



GENEEAL DANIEL MORGAN 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

Morgan determines to go home — Compelled from weakness to stop on the way — Extracts 
from a letter to Gen. Greene— His letter to Greene from Carter Harrison's— Reaches 
home — Letter from Gen. Greene, giving an account of the battle of Guilford C. H.— 
Morgan's reply— His health partially restored — Is solicited by the authorities of Virginia 
to give his aid in resisting her invaders — Letter from Lafayette — Resolution of the 
House of Delegates — Letter from Gov. Jefferson — Morgan suppresses the Claypoole 
insurrection — Rumors of the advance of the enemy into the valley — Removal of the 
prisoners — Martial spirit aroused — Address of the speakers of the Virginia Legislature 
to Morgan, soliciting his assistance — He raises a force of horse and foot, and marches 
to ;oin Lafayette — Letters from the latter — Battle at Jamestown — Morgan joins 
Lafayette the day following — Is invested with the command of the cavalry and the 
light troops. 

Before Morgan left Guilford court-house, his illness so 
increased as to leave little hope of a speedy recovery, and to 
induce him to make the best of his way homeward, where, he 
knew, such attentions and kindness awaited him, as could not be 
expected elsewhere. While on the road thither, he became so 
weak, that he was forced to stop at the house of Gen. Lawson. 
A few days were spent under this gentleman's hospitable roof, in 
recruiting his strength, when he resumed his journey. But, 
although suffering constant and severe pains, and experiencing 
great bodily weakness, his mind and heart were still unsubdued. 
They appear to have been absorbed in solicitude for the fate of 
his recent companions in arms ; and in devising measures for 
augmenting their means of resistance, superadded to which was 
an impatient desire to be so far recovered as to be enabled speedily 
to rejoin the army. Before leaving Gen. Lawson's, he addressed 

16* 



370 THELIFEOF 

a letter to Gen. Greene, under date of the lYth of February. "As 
I expect," be remarks, " you are mucb distressed for assistance, 
and as tbe militia are collecting fast, I bave advised Gen. Lawson 
to go to, and give you, all in bis power. But tbe militia want 
guns. Gen. Stevens's men bave deposited tbeirs at Pittsylvania 
court -bouse. Don't you tbink those could be put in band ?" He 
concludes a letter, full of suggestions, indicating zeal and judg- 
ment, by adverting to tbe state of bis bealtb. " I wisb," be 
observes, " I was able to give you my aid ; but I find I get worse." 
A few days more were passed by Morgan on tbe road, wben 
his failing strength obliged him again to stop by tbe way. Tbe 
house of Carter Harrison, Esq., received him on this occasion, 
and here be was compelled to remain for several days. From 
this place, be addressed to Gen. Greene the letter which follows : 

Carter Harrison's, FeT). 20, 1781. 

Dear Sir : I have been doctoring these several days, thinking to be 
able to take the field again. But I find I get worse. My pains now are 
accouip niied by a fever every day. I expect Lord Cornwallis will push 
you until you are obHged to fight hira, on which much will depend. You 
have, from what I see, a great number of militia. If they fight, you will 
beat Cornwalhs ; if not, he will beat you, and perhaps cut your regulars to 
pieces, which will be losing all our hopes. 

I am informed that among the militia will be found a number of old 
soldiers, I think it would be advisable to select them from among the 
militia, and put them in the ranks with the regulars ; select the riflemen 
also, and fight them on the flanks, under enterprising officers who are 
acquainted with that kind of fighting ; and put the militia in the centre, 
with some picked troops in their rear, with orders to shoot down the first 
man that runs. If anything will succeed, a disposition of this kind will. 
I hope you will not look on this as dictating, but as my opinion on a 
matter that I am much concerned in. I am informed there are some odds 
of a hundred of the garrison regiment disposed of on little guards round 
about Richmond. If they were collected in a body, and militia in their 
places, they would make a pretty Httle reinforcement. 
I have the honor, &c., 

Daniel Morgan. 



GENEEAL DANIEL MORGAN. 371 

It may be premised, that the foregoing- letter has a historical 
importance of no ordinary character. It is admitted bv Jud^e 
Johnson, in his life of Gen. Greene, that in the dispositions of the 
latter, at the battle of Guilford C. H., the suggestions of this 
letter were implicitly adopted f' and to this fact is to be attributed, 
in all human probability, the practical defeat which the British 
sustained on that occasion. 

About the beginning of March, Morgan reached his home in a 
state of extreme suffering and debility. The tender ministerings 
of a devoted wife and family, and the enjoyment of comforts to 
which he had been so long a stranger, were soon followed by an 
improvement in his health. But for some time, he continued 
unable to leave his house ; and it was not until April that he 
could appear abroad. His recovery was no doubt retarded by the 
impatience he manifested at being forced to remain at home, 
during a campaign so active and exciting. In the meantime he 
was in the constant receipt of the proceedings of legislative 
bodies, and the letters of distinguished individuals, congratulating 
him upon his victory at the Cpwpens. A number of these 
flattering testimonials have been already introduced. 

Soon after his return home, the news of the battle of Guilford 
0. H. reached him. The following letter from Gen. Greene to 
Gen. Morgan, is chiefly in relation to this memorable encounter. 



♦This advice [that contained in Morgan's letter] was obviously followed, both In the 
constitution of the flanking parties, and in the disposition of the second line. The 
regulars could not, in justice to Stevens and Lawson, be withdrawn from their brigades ; 
nor did it comport with other arrangements and views, to place the militia in the centre 
of his line. If Morgan meant the middle line, when speaking of the centre (which appears 
highly probable), then was his advice in this particular literally pursued. We affect net 
to arrogate to Gen. Greene, the originating of measures conceived by others. We think 
it more creditable to a commander, to rise superior to the low jealousy, which rejects the 
advice of an inferior, or regards with envy the well earned fame of a brave competitor. 
Greene respected Morgan's understanding and experience; the advice was good, and was 
adopted. It was an emanation from the same bold and original genius, which soared so 
far above ordinary views and measures, on the day of the Cowpens. — Extract from Johri* 
soil's Life of Gen. Greene-, vol. ii., p. 7. 



372 THE LIFE OF 

Camp n'^ar the Iron Works, ) 
10 MILES FROM GuiLFORD C. H., March 20<7i, 1781. f 

Dear Sir : Since we crossed the Dan, we have made many manoeuvres 
and had much skirmishing, I have not time to give you the particulars. 
Until the 11th, our force was inferior to the enemy's, which obliged us to 
act cautiously. But forming a junction with a body of North Carolina 
and Virginia miUtia, and Col. Campbell coming up with a detachment of 
eighteen months men from Virginia, I determined to give the enemy 
battle. It was fought a httle west of Guilford C. H. We were drawn up 
in three lines; North Carolina militia in front; the Virginia mihtia formed 
the second Hne, and the Continental troops the third. Col. Washington 
with the dragoons of the first and third regiments, a detachment of 
eighty regular light infantry, and two hundred riflemen under Col. Lynch, 
formed a covering party for the secui-ity of our right flank. Lieut. Col. 
Lee and his legion, and about two hundred and fifty riflemen under the 
famous Col. Campbell, formed a covering party for our left. The battle 
begun about twelve o'clock, and lasted about two hours. The conflict 
was bloody and severe, and had the North CaroUna militia done their 
duty, victory would have been certain and early. But they deserted the 
most advantageous post I ever saw, and without scarcely firing a gun. 
The Virginia miUtia behaved with great gallantry, and the fate of the day 
was long and doubtful. But finally we were obliged to give up the 
ground ; and as all our artillery horses were killed before the retreat 
began, we were obliged to leave our artillery on the ground. 

The enemy's lo^s is very great, not less than between six hundred and 
seven hundred men, and perhaps more. Our loss is much less, though 
considerable. The greater part fell upon the regular troops. We retreated 
in good order three miles, and there halted and collected all our strag- 
glers; after which we retired about ten miles from the place of action, 
where we have remained ever since. The enemy are now retiring from 
us, and have left us one hundred and seventy or eighty of their wounded. 
They are moving towards Bell's Mill. We shall follow them immediately, 
with the determination for another touch. The enemy had many officers 
killed and wounded. Among the latter. Gen. Moira is said to be mortally 
wounded. 

The bearer of this, one of Lee's legion, waits upon you to get the colors 
taken at the Cowpens, to convey them to Congress, there to be deposited 
as a lasting monument of your gallantry and good fortune. 

Marquis de Lafayette is coming to Virginia, with a detachment of light 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 373 

infantry from the Northern army. Arnold must fall. I have not time to 
be more particular. God bless you with better health. 

With esteem, I am, &c., 

K Greene. 
To Gen. Morgan. 

To this letter Morgan wrote the subjoined reply. 

Saratoga, llih April, 1781. 

Dear Sir: I was honored with your letter of the 28th of March. I 
assure you, sir, it gave me very great satisfaction, both from the intelli- 
gence and the mode of conveyance. I have been particularly happy in 
my connections with the army, and am happy to tell you, sir, you are 
among the number I esteem. Your good conduct as an officer and a gen- 
tleman while I had the pleasure of serving with you, created that esteem, 
and your gallantry and good conduct since that period has confirmed it 
with me, and I believe with every other person. If you get your due, 
which I make no doubt you will, you will have the thanks of your coim- 
try: for in my opinion you have done wonders, in repelling the enemy 
when the whole country stood trembhng at their approach, and indeed, 
thought it almost impossible, as matters stood, to stop their career. 

Your determination to give the enemy battle was in my opinion well- 
timed, and the disposition well concerted. Such conduct and bravery will 
seldom fail of success. You perhaps will call this a flattering letter. But 
it has always given me pleasure to give every one his due ; and I think it 
right, or where is the grand stimulus that pushes men on to great actions ? 
On the other hand, I am as willing to give a person his demerits, if the 
person be worthy of notice. 

I was not at home when the express arrived, nor did he await my 
coming. But I sent the standards on to Congress, and informed the 
President by your order, 

I expect by this time you have come up with my Lord Cornwallis, and 
am in hopes, with an army sufficient to cope with him ; but much fear it, 
as I know what militia can do. But I think Cornwallis's army must be 
dispirited, from the manner they were handled in the last engagement. 
God send you success. 

I am directed by our Assembly to send their thanks to the officers and 
men that fought with me on the 17th of January last; will be much 
obliged to you to put it out in orders. 

The pain in ray hip has left me ; but I believe the same kind of pain baa 



374 THE LIFE OF 

taken me in the head, which makes me blind as a bat two or three times a 
day. But the cold bath seems to help me ; and I am in hopes ere long to 
give you some little assistance. 

Please to make my compliments respectfully to the gentlemen of your 
family. 

I have the honor, &c., 

Daniel Morgan. 
Hon. Maj. Gen. Greene. 

By the beginning of May, Morgan had, to all appearances, so 
far recovered, as to have aiforded him a prospect of gratifying his 
wish to take the field again. He was about following Greene into 
South Carolina, when the alarming operations of the enemy in 
Virginia, together with the solicitations of the authorities of the 
State and of General Lafayette, gave a new direction to his 
thoughts. 

While Morgan was in the field in the Carolinas, Arnold, with 
1,600 men, invaded Virginia, captured Richmond, and destroyed 
an immense amount of property, public and private. Soon after 
Morgan's return home, a reinforcement of 2,000 men, under 
General Phillips, arrived from New York. This force being 
joined by that under Arnold, and Phillips assuming the command, 
the business of devastation recommenced. The country between 
the James and York rivers was completely overrun. Petersburg, 
Chesterfield C. H., and other important places were taken. All the 
shipping, tobacco, corn, and other property, public or private, which 
could be found were destroyed. Every horse which came within 
reach of the invaders was seized, and used by them in strengthening 
their cavalry force,* and in facilitating the movements of their troops. 
In short, for a time Virginia seemed doomed to destruction ; and 

* The danger of this proceeding was foreseen by Morgan as early as the preceding 
October, when he addressed a letter to Governor Jefferson on the subject. The governor's 
reply, which is dated November 26, 1780, commences with the following paragraph : 

" I am much obliged by your favor of October 30th. The recommendation for remov- 
ing horses from the reach of the enemy in cases of invasion, is perfect, and shall be inti- 
mated to the members of assembly, who alone can give me powers to execute it." 



GENERAL DANIEL MOEGAN. 375 

the alarm which her impending fate created throughout the 
country, was divided with astonishment at the feebleness of her 
resistance. Had her energies been concentrated and well directed, 
she could have overwhelmed the invaders. But at this crisis of 
her fate, Lafayette arrived with his command from the North. 

This untoward state of affairs in the State of Virginia called for 
the utmost exertions of her government and people. Prompt and 
strenuous as these exertions were, they were begun too late to 
avert the loss, if not the disgrace, which was inflicted upon them 
by an insolent foe. Among other measures, Morgan was called 
upon to embody the militia in the region of country in which he 
resided, and to march with them against an enemy nearer home. 

First among the inducements to a compliance on his part, was 
a letter, received about this time, from Lafayette, which follows : 

Richmond May 21sf, 1781. 

My Dear Sir : having very often heard that on your recovery, 
you had set out for the southern army, I made no doubt but what 
you had arrived in South Carohna. Every account led me to beheve you 
were on your way to General Greene's, and the inteUigence had not been 
hitherto contradicted. But I hear you are not yet gone ; and with the 
freedom of an old and affectionate friend, take the liberty to request your 
assistance. 

You know that Gen. Greene is before Camden, where he had lately an 
engagement with Lord Rawdon. Had the general been properly suppor- 
ted, this manoeuvfe would have re-conquered a great part of South Caro- 
lina, and obliged Cornwallis to abandon the other State. But our small 
army in that quarter is so weakened, so destitute, and prospects of reinforce- 
ment are so far off, that I am afraid the taking of Camden will be a diffi- 
cult matter. 

When I was at Baltimore with a small but excellent detachment, I 
heard of Gen. Phillips's preparationr at Portsmouth. We left baggage 
and artillery, made an uncommon forced march, and reached Richmond 
the evening before PhiUips moved up near the town, with the intention 
of making an immediate attack. But our arrival disappointed them. He 
re-embarked, and went down the river, from whence, in consequence of 
advices from Lord CornwalUs, he came up again, landed on the south side, 



376 THE LIFE OF 

and marched to Petersburg, where he was covered by the James and 
Appomattox rivers, on the latter of which he had broken the bridges in the 
first invasion. 

I/ord CornwaUis, whom everybody had assumed to have embarked, came 
without opposition to Hahfax. No more than 150 men could be raised on 
this side of the Roanoke. We could not leave James river unless we 
had crossed far above Petersburg, thereby abandoning this shore of the 
country from which reinforcements were expected. The two armies, the 
smaller of which is far superior to our regular force, have formed an easy 
junction, at Petersburg, and will no doubt begin offensive operations. 

Gen. Phillips's death having left the command to the infamous Arnold, his 
army consisted of two thousand three hundred regulars, rank and file, fit for 
duty, and has received a small reinforcement from Portsmouth. The force 
of Lord CornwalHs you will better know than I do, when I tell you it consists 
of the 23d, 7 1st, 33d, British, one Hessian regiment, the Light Infantry 
and Guards, Tarleton's Legion, and some other corps — one of them is 
Hamilton's. The enemy have an entire command of the waters. They 
have much cavalry and we have for the present forty. Our regular 
force is near nine thousand; our militia are not very strong upon the 
returns, and much weaker in the field. We have not a hundred riflemen, 
and are in the greatest need of arms. The Pennsylvanians were long ago to 
join us, and their march has been deferred from day to day, no official 
account of them, nor of a battalion of Maryland recruits. 

Under these circumstances, my dear sir, I do very much want your 
assistance, and beg leave to request it, both as a lover of public welfare and 
as a private friend of yours. I ever had a great esteem for riflemen, and 
have done my best to see them much employed in our armies. But in 
this little corps they are particularly wanting. Your influence can do more 
than orders from the executive. Permit me, therefore, my dear sir, 
entirely to depend on your exertions. 

Another very great reinforcement to our small diminutive of an army 
and such a one as will I am sure, produce the happiest effects, is your per- 
sonal assistance in the field. I beg leave my dear sir, most warmly to 
entreat you to join us, if the state of your health will permit. With the 
assurance that nothing would give me more pleasure than to see you once 
more in arms, and with the hope that I shall soon have that satisfaction, I 
remain, my dear sir, most affectionately your friend. 

Lafayette 

Gen. D. Morgan. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 377 

Soon after the receipt of this letter, and when Morgan had 
already determined on complying with the wishes of the marquis, 
he received the resolution of the Virginia House of Delegates, with 
the accompanying letter from Gov. Jefferson which follows : 

IN THE HOUSE OP DELEGATES. 

Saturday, 2nd June, 1781. 
Resolved^ That His Excellency the Governor be desired to call for the 
immediate assistance of Brigadier General Morgan, to take the command 
of such volunteers, militia, or others, as he may be able speedily to embody, 
and march to join the army under command of the Honorable Major 
General Marquis de Lafayette. That this assembly have the utmost con- 
fidence in the active exertions of General Morgan in the present emergency ; 
and that the Governor do transmit to the said General so many proper 
commissions as may be necessary for the field officers, captains, subalterns, 
and others, to be by him appointed. 

Teste, John Beckley, C. H. D. 

A Copy. 

John Beckley, C. H. D. 

gov. jefferson to gen. morgan. 

Charlottesville, June 2, 1781. 
Sir : I have the pleasure to enclose to you a resolution of the House of 
Delegates, assented to by so many of the Senate as were here, by which 
you will perceive the confidence they repose in your exertions, and the 
desire they entertain of your lending us your aid under our present circura 
stances. I sincerely Avish your health may be so far re-established as to 
permit you to take the field, as no one would count more than myself on 
the effect of your interposition. I enclose you commissions for the officers 
of three battalions. They are of necessity dated at the time of my signing 
them, and it will be well if you endorse on each the date from which it is 
to give rank. 

I am, with great respect, sir. 

Your most humble servant, 

Thomas Jefferson. 
Brig. Gen. Morgan, Berkeley. 

Morgan had already taken measures with the object of raising 
a large militia force from among the inhabitants of Frederick and 



3Y8 THE LIFE OF 

the adjoining counties. But although his efforts were now re- 
doubled, the result did not realize his e^xpectations. The period 
of the year was at hand when the people would be engaged in 
gathering their crops. As these would be the recompense for 
their previous labors, and as they were their only hope for future 
support, they showed an unwillingness to take the field until they 
were gathered. Volunteers came in slowly in consequence. 

An event occurred about this time, however, which, presenting 
hostility to the State in a new and startling form, aroused the 
patriotic and warlike feelings for which the people of North- 
western Virginia were ever distinguished. A party of tones, 
residing on Lost river, in the then county of Hampshire (now 
Hardy) had collected together, and raised the British standard. 
John Claypool, a Scotchman by birth, and his two sons, were at 
the head of the insurgents.* It was reported at the time, that 
ClaypooFs sons had some time previously seen and communicated 
their designs to Cornwallis, who appointed and commissioned 
them both as captains, and sent a commission as colonel to their 
father. Claypool had succeeded in drawing over to his party a 
considerable majority of the people on Lost river; and a number 
of those on the south fork of the Wappatomica. They first 
manifested symptoms of rebellion, by refusing to pay their taxes 
and to furnish their quota of militia. Upon complaint of these 
proceedings, and of being resisted in the discharge of his duty, 
by the sheriff, the military authorities of the county ordered a 
captain and thirty men to his aid. But it does not appear that 
this measure had the desired effect. On the contrary, the spirit 
of disaffection increased. The tories began to organize, they 
appoirted officers, and made John Claypool their colonel, with 
the intention of inarching off in a body to join Cornwallis, ii^ the 
event of his advancing into the valley, or near it. 

The danger became so alarming, that at length the authorities 
of Hampshire sent expresses to those of the adjoining counties,f 

* Kercheval's Valley Virginia, p. 195. t Ibid. p. 196. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 379 

communicating the intelligence and requesting the aid of «ueir 
militia. Colonel Smith, of Frederick county, imm.ediately beat up 
for volunteers. The people showed the utmost alacrity in obey- 
ing the summons, and in a few days, an army of four hundred 
men were equipped, and ready for service. At the solicitation of 
the entire force, Gen. Morgan assumed the command. 

About the 18th or 20th June, the army marched from Win- 
chester, and in two days reached the tory section of Hampshire 
county. Arriving at Claypool's house, and fiading him and some 
of his confederates on the premises, the whole were taken prison- 
ers. One of these, in attempting to escape across the field, was 
fired at by one of Morgan's men, and badly wounded. Clay pool 
hfiving expressed repentance for the part he had taken in the 
movement, and given bail for his appearance when called upon, 
was set at liberty. 

From Claypool's the army moved up Lost river, and on the 
route, took a number of implicated persons prisoners.* Having 
proceeded some distance, the troops crossed the South Branch 
Mountain, on or near the summit of which, a log house was dis- 
covered. General Morgan ordered the house to be surrounded, 
observing, " it is probable some of the tories are now in it." As 
the troops approached the cabin, ten or twelve men ran out and 
fled. An elderly man named Mace, and two of his sons, were of 
the number. Among the pursuers was Capt. William Snickers, 
one of Morgan's aids. Beino* mounted on a fine horse, he soon 
overtook the elder Mace, who, finding himself so closely pursued, 
surrendered. At this instant, one of Mace's sons looking round, 
and seeing Snickers making demonstrations of what he thought 
was a design to cut his father down, drew up his rifle and fired at 
him. The ball passing through the crest of the horse's neck ; he 
fell, and threw his rider over his head. Under the impression 
that Snickers was killed, one of Morgan's men ran up to the elder 
Maco with a pistol, and* shot him dead on the spot. All the 

-♦Kercheval's Valley of Virginia, p. ISV 



380 THE LIFE OF 

fugitives were overtaken, and added to the number of the pri- 
soners. 

The array next visited the house of a wealthy German, named 
John Brake. This man owned a fine farm with extensive mea- 
dows, a mill, a large distillery, and a great number of cattle and 
swine. He- was an exception, in his political course, to his 
countrymen, who were, almc st to a man, true whigs, and friends 
of their country. He had joined the tory band, and his house 
was their place of rendezvous, where they feasted on the best he 
had. All this appearing unquestionable, Morgan marched his 
army to the residence of Brake, there halted, and spent two days 
and nights with his reluctant host.* His troops lived on the very 
best which the farm, mill and distillery afforded, while their 
horses fared no less luxuriously upon the fine unmown meadows 
and oat fields. 

On the morning of the third day, the army left Brake's house, 
and returned to Winchester, after a service of about ten days. 

"Thus," remarks Kercheval, from whose interesting work on 
the valley of Virginia the foregoing account of this affair is taken, 
" this tory insurrection was crushed in the bud. The party them- 
selves became ashamed of their conduct, and in some degree to 
atone for it, and to wipe off the stain, several of the young men 
volunteered their services and marched to aid in the capture of 
Cornwallis." 

The humanity of Morgan's character was strikingly displayed, 
when, shortly after this aftair, he exerted all his influence, and 
with success, in averting from Claypoolf the heavy consequences 
which threatened to follow his crime. 

* Kercheval's Valley of Virginia, p. 19S. 

tThe following are among the letters which Claypooi addressed to Morgan during the 
period after his arrest and previons to his trial. The evidences of Morgan's interposition 
in his behalf will be found in passages of letters from the executive of Virginia and the 
commander-in-chief, which will appear in their proper connection. 

May Qlst, 1781. 

Sib : These are to inform you ti xt I am heartily sorry that I have been so far blinded 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 381 

In the meantime, the situation of affairs in the lower part of 
the State had become more critical than ever. Cornwallis, 
having- entered Virginia from the Carolinas, had formed a junc- 
tion with the forces lately commanded by Phillips, and at the 
head of the whole, had advanced towards the interior of the 
State, pushing Lafayette before him ; while Tarleton* and Simcoe 
were spreading havoc on both sides of his line of march. 

A day or two after the force engaged in suppressing the Clay- 
pool insurrection had been disbanded, intelligence was received 

in this riotous affair, wiiich, was it to do again, I would sufifer all that I have to be taken 
from me before I would undertake such a thing, as I am convinced that I was out of my 
duty to stand against the laws of our State. And if you would be so kind as to exert 
your favor and ability in my behalf, I shall look upon it as a particular favor, and do 
hereby promise to be faithful for the time to come, to the United States of America. I 
would appear at the time appointed, but it is thought my life lay at stake, although I 
know not that I have had any ill design, only I thought our burthen seemed too heavy. 
But further considering the expense in supporting the war to protect our liberty, I 
plainly see my fault, and beg pardon from you, and not only from you, but from all in 
authority. 

From, Sir, your very humble servant, 

John Claypool. 

P.S. If you will please to send me an answer to the above request, you will oblige 
yours. 

Lost River, F--b. 5th, 1782. 
Sir: Nothing could induce me to trouble you but an absolute necessity, which you and 
all my countrymen are fully acquainted with, in regard to my unhappy affair, for which 
I stand charged in acting so precipitately, in consequence of which I most sincerely 
lament. Your honor, by reading the enclosed, I doubt not will put the most favorable 
constructions on my address to you, in praying your sentiments on the occasion. I 
herewith send you a petition to approve or condemn. The death of that gentleman 
whose humanity induced him to do all he could for me, is most deplorable. But the 
deportment by which I have conducted myself the chief part of my life, added to my con- 
duct since my resignation to trial, will extort your lenity in saving my life. I hope an 
act agreeable to the laws of heaven and an attribute peculiar to the great Judge himself, 
who knows the acute conflicts I feel, the consequence of base and dishonorable actions, 
for which I again request your approbation to live. My trial is to be brought on the 
next mouth, and the indisposition I now labor under calls aloud for a suspension of trial 
a while longer, which I presume may probably be in your power. I pray your sentiments 
in writing, if agreeable to your pleasure. 

I am, Sir, with due respect, 

Your most obedient, humble servant, 

JouN Claypooi,. 
N.B. Sir: You have favored me once before with a letter on the occasion, which 1 
transmitted to Mr. Hogg, but it was misplaced. J. 0. 



382 THE LIFE OF 

that Tarleton was on his way to Winchester, with the object of 
liberating the British prisoners, who, to the number of some hun- 
dreds, were then confined at that place. About the same time, 
directions* were received from Lafayette, for the removal of these 
prisoners. Four hundred of the militia were accordingly called 
out and equipped, under the escort of which the prisoners were 
removed without delay to Fort Frederick, in Maryland. 

During this momentous period, Lafayette displayed his usual 
ability and promptitude, and succeeded in disappointing the over- 
confident expectations of his adversary. Having at length effected 
a junction with Wayne and his Pennsylvanians, and been joined 
by a large body of militia, he boldly turned upon the enemy. 

Matters were in this posture, when Morgan received the 
following letter from the speakers of the two Houses of Assembly 
of the State, explaining to him the necessity of his immediately 
taking the field with whatever force he had succeeded in raising. 
Perhaps no more forcible illustration of the alarming state of 
affairs in Virginia at this time could be found, than that which is 
furnished in a letter, written under such extraordinary circum- 

* The following letter from Lafayette contains the orders referred to, as well as a state- 
ment of the circumstances under which they originated : 

*GKN. LAFAYETTE TO COL. WOOD OR GEN. MORGAN. 

Head Quarters, Corbtn's BRipaE. ) 
June S)-d, 1781. ) 

Dear Sir : The want of decision in the movements of Lord Cornwallis hitherto, as they 
equally tend to Fredericksburg and up the country, with the inefficiency of our present 
force to oppose them, added to the accounts I have received of ah insurrection liaving 
happened not far from Winchester, induces me to anticipate the governor's arrangement 
respecting the removal of the Convention troops. I herewith send you a copy of the 
resolve of Congress of the 23rd of May, and a letter from the Board of War to his Excel- 
lency, the governor, wliich I fortunately opened. I request that you will immediately 
use your utmost exertions to march them to the places appointed. You will endeavor to 
collect a sufficient guard to move with them; and as the cattle sent on by the Board of 
War cannot be sent on in time, you must consult with the commissary of your post on the 
best mode of providing provisions on your route. You will please communicate this to 
Gen. Morgan, and take his advice relative o your proceedings. 

I have the honor to be. 

Your obedient servant, 

Lafayettk. 

To Col. Wood or Gen. Morgan, at Winchester. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 883 

stances as was this one. Since the 2d of June, when the House 
of Delegates called on Morgan by resolution to take the field, that 
body had been surprised during its sittings at Charlottesville, and 
seven of its members captured. The remainder, with the governor 
and the executive officers, being forced to fly, dispersed in every 
direction ; and for a time, the only evidences of the continued 
existence of a governing power in the State, were furnished in 
instances, of a character similar to this : 

Staunton, June 14, 1781. 

Sir: By Major Holmes we are this day informed you are raising a body 
of men, with which you design to join the army, commanded by the 
marquis. We had before heard of your intentions, and hoped by this 
time you had been able to have begun your march. The major's account 
gives us great concern, as he tells us it will be yet ten days before you set 
out. 

We have to inform you that the enemy, with their whole force, are a 
little below the fork of James river, near, if not quite, five thousand strong ; 
that the marquis is on the branches of James river, at one Allegree's, 
twenty-five or thirty miles from Lord CornwaUis's head-quarters, and 
thirteen from Charlottesville, on the Three Notches road, perhaps equal in 
number to his lordship. About seven hundred riflemen from this and the 
adjacent counties have joined him ; one thousand more are ordered, and 
will in the course of next week get to camp. So much is at stake on the 
fate of a battle, that it is not only our wish, but that of every member of 
the assembly we have heard speak on the subject, that you march with 
what men you have raised as soon as you possibly can, leaving orders for 
others to follow you. We are truly sensible of the alacrity with which 
the people on this side of the mountains will join you ; they wish to be 
commanded by you. We therefore entreat that you lose no time in 
joining the marquis. Had we an executive body, qualified to act, we 
doubt not they would have addressed you on this subject ; but we flatter 
ourselves, that this requisition, coming from the speakers of the two 
Houses of Assembly, will have the same weight as from that body. 

As the situation of the two armies will probably be different from what 
they now are before you join, we must refer you to such intelligence aa 
you will receive for the route you take. It is impossible to form any 
judgment what eteps his lordship will pursue ; but thus much we can inforn? 



384 THE LIFE OF 

you, that the distress of all wherever he marches, is equal to anything yon 
have known from them during the war ; and his numerous horse puts it iu 
his power to extend his depredations to a great distance from his main 
body. 

We are, with much esteem, 

Your very humble servants, 

Archibald Gary, 

Benj. Harrison. 
Brig. Gen. Morgan, Frederick. 

Morgan had been indefatigable in his exertions to raise a 
respectable force of cavalry and riflemen. From the causes 
already mentioned, however, his wishes were not realized. But 
the recent expedition to Lost river, taken in connection with the 
serious state of affairs below, and the belief that Tarleton was on 
the road to that part of the State, fully aroused the martial spirit 
of the people. A fine body of cavalry was speedily raised and 
mounted ; but they lacked clothing, swords, pistols, and every 
other requisite of a dragoon. A considerable number of riflemen 
were also embodied. They were, however, without arms and 
ammunition ; nor could their wants in these respects be supplied 
at any point nearer than the neighborhood of active operations. 
The militia who formed the escort of the prisoners to Fort 
Frederick had taken with them all the arms and ammunition 
which could be found at the time in the public magazines at and 
near Winchester. The force of riflemen was not so numerous as 
Morgan desired. But the mass of the people could not be 
induced to engage in a tour of duty which would prevent their 
return home in time to gather their crops. He was assured, 
however, that as soon as the harvesting was over, thousands would 
follow him to the field and join his standard. 

There being a pressing necessity for an increase of Lafayette's 
cavalry, Morgan permitted no obstacle to prevent the force of 
that description which he had raised from proceeding to the 
marquis without delay. Having clothed the men at his ov/n 
expense, and placed them under the command of Capi;. Nelson, 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 385 

they w ere sent forward, with directions to obtain swords and the 
other necessary equipments from some of the magazines of stores 
east of the mountains, and to lose no time in reaching the head- 
quarters of the marquis. 

He addressed the speaker of the House of Delegates, intima- 
ting his speedy advance at the head of a considerable force, and 
stating that to obtain clothing for the cavalry, he had contracted, 
on his own responsibility, a heavy debt, which he hoped would be 
assumed and paid by the State.* A few days before he put his 
troops in motion, he informed the marquis of the progress he had 
made, and of his speedy approach. To the letter on this subject 
the marquis wrote the following reply : 

MiDSHUN'K Creek, June 12, 17S1. 
My Dear Sir : With the greatest satisfaction I have received your 
letter, mentioning the exertions you have made for our support. Your 

* To this letter he received the subjoined reply from Gov. Nelson : 

Staunton, June 22, 1781. 

Sir: Your letter of the 15th inst., addressed to the speaker of the House of Delegates, 
Is referred to the Executive. 

The readiness you show to assist our invaded country gives general satisfaction, and I 
doubt not but this Arill meet you far advanced on your march to join tlie marquis, with 
Buch volunteers as you have been able to collect. I am sensible of the great incon- 
veniences arising to the people by being called out at the approach of harvest; but I 
have my hopes that some capital blow may be struck, time enough to enable the com- 
mander of the troops to dispense with their services at that time. Should tliis not be the 
case, I flatter myself the militia and volunteers above will consider the distress occasioned 
to the lower country, where the ravages of the enemy, unless speedily suppressed, will 
involve the inhabitants in total ruin. 

When the accounts of the tradesmen for necessaries furnished Major Nelson's corps on 
your order, be laid before the Board, they will immediately take measures for their 
discharge. They are convinced of the propriety of the proposition contained in your 
letter; but our present situation demands dispatch. And so much time would elapse 
before the whole system could be eflfectuated, that the advantages to be derived from a 
vigorous and an immediate effort, would be lost. But as soon as the situation of the 
State will admit, they will, with pleasure, patronize a scheme, which they trust will be pro- 
ductive of the most salutary effects. 

I am, sir, your ob't servant, 

Thomas Nelso.x. 

GsH. MoBGAN, Frederick Co. 

17 



386 THE LIFE OF 

assistance is very necessary to us, and your success in collecting the troops 
is even above my expectations. The sooner they are with us, my dear 
friend, the better it will be, and I shall be particularly happy in taking by 
the hand a friend for whom I have ever felt the highest regard and 
sincerest affection. 

The enemy are opposite to Elk creek. We moved this day from South 
Anna river to this place. It appears Lord Cornwallis expected us where 
he did not intend to go, and part of his army moved up to a place called 
Byrd's Ordinary, thirteen miles below this. Our stores are again behind 
us ; what fell into their hands is very trifling ; and our junction with the 
Pennsylvanians enables us to some resistance. But we are still much 
inferior to his lordship. To-morrow or the day after decides which way 
he intends to move. 

The young man who carried your letter is in so much of a hurry that I 
have not time to receive a positive answer about the lead. There is but 
little to be got. I have directed the commissary of military stores to send 
you what he can obtain. Our equipments are dispersed, and I do not 
know what Baron de Stiiben has ordered for them. I am afraid this will 
not be an easy matter. We can get short swords ; but you know they are 
not very useful to dragoons. As to saddles and bridles, it is better to 
impress them than to leave the State without defence. 

Adieu, my dear sir ; it is late, and your young man is impatient to go. 
I shall, therefore, only add, that with the most perfect regard and attach- 
ment, I have the honor to be, dear sir, 

Your most ob't, humble servant, 

Lafayette. 

P. S. — Whatever you think better for the good of the service, that 
comes within the bounds of my power, I request you will either mention 
to me, or have executed in my name. 

By the movement referred to in tlie foregoing letter, Cornwal 
lis's designs npon the military stores in Albemarle, and. upon 
the flank of Lafayette's force, were both frustrated. The latter 
being soon after reinforced by six hundred mountaineers, evinced 
a disposition to oppose the further progress of the enemy. Corn- 
wallis was, no doubt, impressed with the danger of persevering in 
his designs. He accordingly commenced a retrograde movement 
towards Richmond. The marquis followed him with cautious 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 387 

circumspection. On the way down he was joined by Steuben, 
with four hundred men. His force at this time numbered two 
thousand regulars and three thousand two hundred militia. That 
of Cornwallis was about the same number of veteran troops. 

Od the 29th of June, the enemy evacuated Richmond, and 
retreated towards Williamsburg. The next day, Lafayette pur- 
sued them with his entire force. When within six miles of 
Williamsburg, the enemy's rear guard, commanded by Col. Sim- 
coe, was attacked and severely handled by the American advance, 
under Col. Butler. Cornwallis occupied the town for a day or 
two, during which time Lafayette took post in the neighborhood. 

Cornwallis, who had determined to retire from Portsmouth, 
was overtaken on the 6th of July, by the marquis, at Jamestown, 
where a severe encounter took place. With the design of attack- 
ing the enemy's rear, when the main body should have passed the 
river at Jamestown, Lafayette pushed forward the Pennsylvania 
troops, a body of riflemen and the cavalry. Cornwallis, divining 
the object of his opponent, made such a disposition of his force as 
induced the marquis to make an attack upon disadvantageous 
terms. The riflemen advancing, soon drove in the British pickets. 
But an advanced post, which covered their encampment, was per- 
severingly maintained. Lafayette, at length discovering his error, 
hastened to call in his men. But Wayne, with characteristic 
ardor, had dashed at the head of his Pennsylvania troops into the 
contest without delay ; and before he could be recalled, he was 
closely engaged. Although menaced by what was now discovered 
to be the main body of the British army, he maintained his 
ground ; and when the order to retreat and form a line with the 
light infantry in the rear reached him, he was charging the British 
line with the bayonet. The retreat was effected without any 
serious sacrifice, and the whole force was soon re-united and in good 
order about half a mile in the rear of the field of battle. The 
enemy declining to pursue, Lafayette retired to a position aboucsix 
miles from Greenspring, the scene of conflict, where he encaniped. 



388 THELIFEOF 

The loss of the Americans in this action, was one hundred and 
thirty-nine men, in killed, wounded and prisoners. That of the 
enemy was seventy-seven killed and wounded.* 

It was during the night of this eventful day that Morgan, with 
a portion of the forces he had succeeded in raising, reached 
Lafayette's camp. 

Having dispatched Nelson's command of cavalry forward, he 
marched about the 20th of June, with the force of riflemen he 
had succeeded in raising, towards Albemarle, in the vicinity of 
which he expected to be enabled to effect a junction with 
Lafayette. But the latter had then been some days on the march 
in pursuit of Cornwallis, who was retreating to Richmond. From 
the neighborhood of this city, the annexed letter was received by 
Morgan while on the advance. 

Head Quarters, 20t7t June, 1781. 
My Dear Sir: I have but the time of writing you two lines. The 
enemy have evacuated Richmond, and seem retiring towards Williams- 
burg. If it is the case, the retreat from Elm creek will be upwards of one 
hundred miles, and their friends in this State will be not a little disap- 
pointed. 

Your junction with us, my dear friend, is very important. If you bring 
us a large body, we may, I think, cope with their army. I am for the 
present following them, but agree in opinion with you, and unless a very 
favorable opportunity offers, will not risk a battle. 

As soon as Nelson's horse are ready, I wish you would order them on 
with the greatest celerity. We are in great want of dragoons. 
Adieu, my dear Sir, 

Most affectionately yours, 

Lafayette. 
Gen. Morgan. 

Morgan and his command pushed forward to effect the desired 
junction. But Lafayette, in pursuit of the retreating foe, also 
advanced; thus several days elapsed, when it was found that they 

♦Tarleton, in his remarks on this battle, takes occasion to pay a deserved coini)liment 
to Lafayette's military talents, declaring it to be " the only instance of this officer's com* 
mitting himself during a very difficult campaign."— T'a/'/eton-'s Campaign, p. 355. 



I 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 389 

were as far from effecting their object as at the outset. It was 
not until the evening of the 6th of July, when they had travelled 
more than two hundred miles, that they reached the head-quar- 
ters of the marquis, near Jamestown. 

Morgan was received by the marquis in the most cordial man- 
ner, and immediately invested with the command of all the light 
troops and the cavalry.* 

The morning following his arrival, Tarleton, with his cavalry 
and a body of mounted infantry, was dispatched by Cornwallis in 
quest of Lafayette. On his approach to the American camp, 
Tarleton encountered a patrolling party of mounted riflemen. 
The latter immediately fell back towards their camp. They 
were, however, closely followed by the British horse, and had lost 
several of their number, when a body of riflemen came to the 
rescue. These troops, during the previous night, had encamped 
some distance in front of the main body. Their position, conse- 
quently, not only gave them the first intimation of the attack, but 
enabled them to be the first to meet it. At the commencement 
of the alarm, they were instantly under arms, and on the approach 
of Tarleton, opened upon his force such a heavy and destructive 
fire, that he was forced to an immediate and precipitate retreat. 

* The command of Nelson's corps, and the Maryland volunteer dragoons, was conferred 
upon him through the letter which follows: 

Richmond, July 16th, 1781. 

Dear Sir: I have attached to your command Major Nelson's corps, and the Maryland 
volunteer dragoons. I beg leave to recommend the latter to your attention. Most ofj 
them are men of fortune, who make great sacrifices to serve their country. You will not, 
therefore, put them upon the duties of orderlies, or the common camp duties, which can 
be as well performed by the Continental horse. In evei-ything else you will find tliem 
answer your expectations. As they are only to be subject to your orders, when you have 
accomplislied the objects mentioned in my letter of yesterday, or when it is decided that 
Tarleton intends southerly and is beyond the reach of being struck, you will be good 
enough to order their return to head-quarters. It is my wish to dismiss them the moment 
it is in my power. 



Brig. Gen. Morgan. 



I am, dear Sir, 

Your obedient servant, 

Lafatettb. 



390 THE LIFE OF 



CHAPTER XIX. 

Lafayette retires to Richmond — Wayne and Morgan posted at Goode's bridge— Cornwallia 
marches towards Portsmouth — Tarleton dispatched to Bedford Co. — Unsuccessful 
attempt to intercept him — Letter from Lafayette — He encamps on Malvin Hill — Letters 
from Wayne — Morgan again unwell — Letter to Greene — The reply — Morgan returns 
home — Letter from Lafayette— Letter to Washington — The reply— Letter to Washing- 
ton — The reply — removes to " Saratoga " — His elder daughter married to Col. Neville 
— Morgan's health partially restored — Letter to Greene — His conduct on the disbandment 
of the army — The Cowpens medal — Letter to J. F. Mercer — The reply — The soldiery 
become the victims of speculators — Morgan interferes in behalf of the former — His 
motives misrepresented by the speculators to the injury of his character — Washington 
in consequence, ceases to esteem him — An explanation is followed by a reconciliation — 
Morgan's conduct under the calumnies of his enemies — Extract of a letter from Col. 0. 
M. Thurston. 

Soon after the action at Jamestown, Lafayette, with the main 
body of his army, retired, first to the forks of the York river, and 
afterwards to Richmond. Wayne, with his Pennsylvanian 
troops, and Morgan with the dragoons and riflemen, were detached 
across James river to Goode's Bridge. 

Cornwallis, having crossed to the southern side of James river, 
resumed his march towards Portsmouth. Arriving at Suffolk he 
dispatched Colonel Tarleton from this point with his cavalry, and 
a body of mounted infantry, to New London, in the county of 
Bedford, distant not less than two hundred miles. Cornwallis's 
objects in ordering a moveiTient so extensive and hazardous, were 
the destruction of a maga' ine of stores, said to have been collec- 
ted at that place for Green I's army, and the interception of a body 
of American light troops, which he was informed were on their 
march from the south to ( ae assistance of Lafayette. 



GENERAL DANIET, MORGAN. 391 

Upon the first intimation of this movement, Wayne and Mor- 
gan, with their respective commands, were sent by Lafayette to 
counteract it, and if possible to intercept and cut oflf Tarleton 
upon his return. Accordingly, Wayne advanced into Amelia 
county, while Morgan held the ground in the neighborhood of 
Goode's Bridge. Their confident expectations of entrapping Tarle- 
ton were, however, disappointed. This oflicer having proceeded 
first to Prince Edward and next to Bedford, found that the stores 
which he sought at these places had some time previously been 
dispatched southward. He ascertained, besides, that the expected 
detachment of light troops had not been sent northward, Greene 
having full employment for every soldier he commanded. Upon 
his return, he was informed of the danger which awaited him, in 
time to take the necessary measures to avoid it. After destroy- 
ing his wagons he struck into a lower route across the head 
waters of the Nodaway and Blackwater rivers, and arrived with- 
out molestation at Suffolk on the 24th.* 

It is a matter of surprise that Lafayette should have allowed an 
opportunity so favorable for intercepting and destroying this 
detachment to escape him. The extreme caution which he 
appears to have observed on this occasion, was, perhaps, one of the 
consequences of his rash attack at Jamestown. It must be obser- 
ved, however, that the movements of Tarleton were conducted 
with such rapidity, that information regarding them, at any stage 
of their progress, must have reached Lafayette at a time too late 
to be useful. Besides the object of the expedition, and the scope 
of its operations, were alike unknown to the Marquis. The force 
of which it w^as composed was believed by him to be much 
greater than it really was.f Had Wayne and Morgan been per- 

* Tarleton, p. 357 ; Lee's Mem. p. 806. 

t This expedition was the subject of the following among other letters, addressed by 
L;tfayette to Morgan : 

Richmond, Jidy 17th, 1781. 
Dear Sir, 

My former intelligences were decisive upon Tarleton's going towards Roanoke. But 



THE LIFE OF 

mitted to move forward, as appears to have been their desire, the 
probability is that the force under Tarleton would have been 
intercepted and dispersed. Indeed, this opinion is, in substance, 
expressed by Tarleton himself. * 

About this time, Lafayette moved lii? array from the neighborhood 
of Richmond, and encamped at Mah ii Hill. Wayne and M( -rgan 
were left with their respective detaci.ments at Goode's Bridge. 

Lafayette, supposing that the next movement of the enemy would 
have reference either to Virginia or the Carolinas, composedly 
awaited the development of their plans, holding himself at the 
same time in readiness to act as circumstances might require. 
" Two or three days will determine what the enemy intend to do," 
he observes in a letter to Morgan, dated at Malvin Hill, on the 
21st of July, "and the distribution of their forces will determine 
what is to become of ours." That he anticipated another attack 
from -Cornwallis, and that he had resolved to meet it, are rendered 
evident by a passage in the same letter. " Should you not find 
any position," he remarks, " where you might fight to advantage 
the mounted part of the British army, or sliould you fear to be 
unacquainted with their movements, it w^ould of course be more 

I just now hear that he was last night at Walker's house, seven miles above Walker's 
Mill, on Nodaway river, thirty-two miles south of Petersburg. He was expeoted in that 
town this night. Gen. Wayne is over the river and has orders to be very cautious. But 
if Col. Tarleton could be surprised to-night at Petersburg, he is to make the attempt. I 
think, my dear friend, we are rather scattered, and it will be better for you to fall back 
towards Chesterfield Court House ; so that if instead of attacking, W^ayne is attacked, 
he may retire to you. By the last accounts, Lord Cornwallis was at Portsmouth. I 
hardly believe Tarleton will come to Petersburg. At all events you may take such posi- 
tions in the woods as will effectually cover you from his horse. But we are so distant 

that I leave with you to act according to circumstances. 

Yours, 

Lafayette. 
You will please have dragoons at Budford's to give Gen. "Wayne notice. 

Brig. Gen. Morgan, Goode''s Bridge. 
* A detachment from the Marquis de Lafayette's army, might have been tran?ported 
over the James river near City Point, and by posting themselves near the head of 
Blackwater, would have endangered the retreat of the British, by blocking up the pass at 
that place, and over which they must unavoidably return ; because the banks of Black- 
water are in other parts so marshy, that there is no approaching them, either to make 
use of rafts, or to cross the river by swimming.— "ror^e^c/i's Campaign, p. 859. 



GENEKAL DANIEL MORGAN. 393 

prudent to be on this side. But in tlie other case, independent of 
my avernon to fresh fatigues, I ara glad to keep the enemy in 
suspense ; and should they move up in consequence of our divided 
state, it will retard their preparations for the relief of New York.'* 
Tiie first of the series of movements which ended in the capture 
of Cornwallis was now made. On the 30th, the detachments of 
Wayne and Morgan moved from Goode's Bridge to Deep Creek 
Bridge, in Amelia county. The new position afforded, among 
other advantages, greater facilities for marching towards Ports- 
mouth or the Carolinas, as events might determine.*^ On the 
next day, Morgan received the following letter from Wayne, com- 
municating, the orders it contained from the marquis. 

Camp at Watkin's Mill, July SOtli, 1781. 

Dear Sir: I have it in command from the Marquis de Lafayette to 
direct Gen. Campbell with all the riflemen to join Gen. Muhlenberg at 
Bland's Mills, to the southeast of Petersburg, the soonest possible. You 
will therefore be so obliging as to order him to take up his line of march 
at four o'clock to-morrow morning. He may easily reach that place in 
three days. You will also be so obliging as to order Capt. Reed, vsiJi 
Nelson's di'agoons, to join me at this place immediately. 

The marquis likewise informs me that your people are coming in, and 
wishes you to proceed to his quarters to arrange them. 

That their numbers and appointments may be equal to your expectations, 

* GEN. ANTHONY WAYNE TO GEN. MORGAN. 

Camp at Goode's Bridge, 29^/i July, 17S1, 
Dear Sir : The ground in and about this camp begins to be so disagreeable, that it has 
determined me to march to-morrow morning, at half past 5 o'clock, for Deep Creek 
Bridge, in Amelia county, about eight miles from this place. This change is necessary, 
not only for the health of the troops, but for the more easily procuring flour and forage. 
It is also a position from which we can move with facility towai'ds Portsmouth or Caro- 
lina, as events may determine. 

I leave it with you to march the riflemen and Baltimore dragoons under Capt. Moore 
to that place, or to remain where they are for the present. 

You will be so obliging as to order Capt. Reed, with his corps of cavalry, to precede the 
infantry in the morning, and tj take post with us. 

Interim, I am, 

Your most obedient humble servant, 

Anthony Waynk, 



394 THE LIFE OF 

and that life and laurels may attend you on all occasions, is the sincere 

^nnh of 

Your most obedient servant, &c., 

Anthony Wayne. 
Brig. Gen. Morgan, at Maj. Goode's. 

While the military events just detailed were in progress, Mor- 
gan became so unwell from a return of his sciatical complaint, as 
at length to confine him to his bed. The first night he passed in 
Lafayette's camp, at Greenspring, was followed by an attack of 
this malady. For a few days he bore up against a renewal of his 
sufferings, as well as the more painful presentiment that his 
career as a soldier was drawing to a close. But about the begin- 
ning of August, his illness so increased, that he was obliged to 
retire from the field, and to seek a renewal of his health in the 
comforts and quietude of liome. 

His reluctance again to leave the army under such circum- 
stances was evinced until the last moment. A letter to Gen. 
Greene, written by him about ten days before his departure, 
admits a misgiving that he was no longer fit for service, but gives 
no intimation of his intention to retire. Such a design was too 
repugnant to his inclinations to be entertained, until it became 
unavoidable. The letter referred to is annexed. 

Camp, Goode's Bridge, 24<A July, 1781. 

Dear Sir: As the marquis has written you, no doubt he has given you 
a better account of the enemy's situation than I could ; shall, therefore, 
say nothing on that head. After making use of the cold bath for upwards 
of two mouths, I thought myself so far recovered as to be able to take 
the field, and intended to have joined you in Carolina. But my lord 
making so deep a lunge at the Old Dominion, that both houses of the 
Assembly requested me to raise as many volunteers as possible, and join 
the marquis, which T did, the day after the action at Jamestown. My 
lord has embarked some of his troops ; what he intends, time only can 
discover. But if they are sent southerly, we are on our way to join you. 

How are all the old heroes, Washington, Lee, Howard, &c., &c. ? I 
have not time to write them. Will you be pleased to make my compli 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 395 

ments to them, also to Gen. Huger, Col. Williams, and your own family 
respectively. 

I saw your letter to the marquis, and was vei'y unhappy at your situation. 
That d d reinforcement arrived very unluckily for us.* 

I lay out the night after arriving at camp, caught cold, and have been 
laid up ever since. I am afraid I am broke down. I sincerely wish you 
every species of good luck, and all the happiness that country can afford 

you. 

I have the honor, &c., 

Daniel Morgan. 
Maj. Gen. Greene, 

To the foregoing, Morgan received the subjoined reply, shortly 
after his return to Frederick : 

Head Quarters, Camden, August 26th, 1781. 
Dear Sir : Your letter of the 24th July arrived safe at head-quarters, 
and your kind compliments to Williams, Washington, Lee, and the other 
gentlemen you mention, have been properly distributed. Nothing would 
give me greater pleasure than to have you with me. The people of this 
country adore you. Had 'you been with me a few weeks past, you would 
have had it in your power to give the world the pleasure of reading a sec- 
ond Cowpens affair. Gen. Sumter had the command ; but the event did 
not answer my expectations. If I deserve any credit for the manoeuvres 
of this campaign, it was for that I gave the enemy a blow where they least 
expected it. But, alas ! the execution failed. However, we got upwards 
of one hundred and forty pi'isoners, and took and destroyed a great quan- 
tity of stores. The expedition ought to have yielded us six hundred men, 
and the chance was more than fifty times as much in our favor as it was 
at Tarleton's defeat. Great generals are scarce — there are few Morgans to be 
found. The ladies of Charleston toast you. Don't you think we bear beating 
very well, and that we are something of the nature of stock-fish, the more we 
are beat, the better we grow ?» I may say with the king of Prussia, Fortune 
is a female, and I am no gallant. She has jilted me several times this cam- 
paign ; but in spite of her teeth, I pursue her still, in hopes the old adage 
will be fulfilled — a coy dame may prove kind at last. I am not well pleased 
with her rebuffs ; but I bear them with patience. I was content at the 
Hogging at Guilford ; but I lost all patience at first with that of Lord Raw- 

* The arrival at Charleston of three British regiments, which event was followed by the 
advance of Lord Rawdou to the relief of Ninety-six, at the time invested by €ren. Greene. 



396 THE LIFE OF 

don's. In the one I considered victory as doubtful : in the other, certain. 
Under these impressions, you may well think the disappointment was not 
pleasing ; and to add to my vexation, that cursed reinforcement must 
arrive by two days too soon. But upon the whole, we are as well oif as 
could be expected ; and the less we are indebted to fortune, the greater 
our merit. I claim nothing — the army deserves everything. 

Nurse your old bones and stick by the marquis, until the modern Hanni- 
bal unfolds his great designs. While you and Wayne are with him, 1 think 
he will be well supported, and I shall feel perfectly easy. 

We are trying to collect a body of militia to give the enemy battle. If 
we succeed, perhaps you may hear of a few being sent to the shades on 
both sides. The Dominion has been in great jeopardy this campaign. Let 
it prove a warning to be better prepared in future. But under all her 
oppressions she rises in glory, and will soon shade all her sister States, 
especially as Nelson has got at the head of the government. 
With much esteem, I am, &c., 

Gen. Morgan. Nath. Greene. 

Soon after Moro-an returned to Frederick, he proceeded to Bath 
Springs, from the healthful properties of the waters of which, he had 
previously experienced relief from attacks, such as that under which 
he labored at this time. In a few days his pains left him, and his 
strength was measurably restored. But the impression had, in 
the meantime, fixed itself in his mind, that his constitution was 
no longer able to withstand the hardships and exposures incident 
to an active campaign — that his return to the field would be fol- 
lowed by a return of his malady. Yet, notwithstanding this, it is 
certain that he was impatient for the acquisition of sufficient 
strength to enable him to rejoin the marquis. 

While at this place, he received the letter which follows, from 
Lafayette : 

GEN. LAFAYETTE TO GEN. MORGAN. 

MoNTOK Hill, August 15, 17S1. 
My Dear Friend : I have been happy to hear your health was better. I 
hope the springs will entirely recover it ; and then, my dear sir, I shall be 
happier than can be expressed, at seeing you with the army. You are the 



GENERA!. DANIEL MORGAN. 397 

general and the frisnd I want ; and both from inchnation and esteem, I 
lose a great deal when you go from me, and will think it a great pleasure 
and a great reinforcement to see you again. But let me entreat you not 
so soon as to expose your health. Great services have been rendered by 
you — great services are justly expected-. So that you cannot, consistent 
with your duty, trifle with your own life. By the time you are called to 
come, perhaps the scene may be interesting. 

Your influence, my dear sir, may render us the greatest service. The 
miUtia ordered out are coming in very slow — so slow that I will be soon 
left with the Continentals. For God's sake, tell them to come on. It 
appears the enemy had rather expose New York and pursue their serious 
intentions against Virginia. I do every day expect a new campaign, and 
never was worse provided. "We put on the best face we can ; but I con- 
fess, I dread consequences. At the same time that you hurry on the 
militia, let them take their arms with them — rifles particularly, as riflemen 
are the soldiers I most wish for. If there are Continental or State arms 
within your reach, I request you will forward them on. Advise Col. Davies 
of the march of any militia. 

We have many horse accoutrements at Noland's Ferry, at Fredericktown 
in Maryland, and perhaps some other places. I wish wagons may be 
impressed and those articles immediately sent. White has two hundred 
fine men and horses, who, for want of accoutrements, are entirely useless. 
The best way will be to send them by the upper road and forward them to 
our camp. 

Could it be possible to procure a quantity of shoes ? The whole army 
are barefoot. 

These articles, my dear friend, I only mention, in case your health per- 
mits you to attend to them. I beg you will not take any trouble about 
them that might give you improper fatigue, or disturb for one instant the 
care I entreat you to pay to the recovery of your health. 

Lord Cornwallis's army is divided between York and Gloucester. At 
York they don't fortify : but they do at Gloster. It appears Portsmouth 
will be evacuated, and everything brought round to York river. Accounts 
from New York assure us that part of the troops is certainly recalled : but 
nothing here that indicates it for the present. 

The light infantry and mihtia are between the forts of York river, the 
first four miles, the second eight miles from West Point. Gen. Wayne is 
for the present at Bottom's Bridge, and should the enemy detach to 
York, he will go to South Carolina. I am nursing the few horse, we have ; 
boats are patrolling down the river ; Mathews, with some militia, is betw;>sD 



398 THE LIFE of' 

this and Williamsburg ; a larger corps with the volunteer horse under CoL 
Lane, is foraging in Gloster county. This position looks both ways, and 
saves transportation. 

The enemy's movements I explain on two accounts. That a force had 
been ordered to New York is certain. But the plan had afterwards been 
altered. If Lord Cornwallis expect* a French fleet, he will confine his 
defences to Glostertown, and there fight in protection of his army and 
shipping. He will regard it dangerous to divide his force, and would have 
little or nothing on the York side. If, on the conti-ary, his lordship means 
to be oflfensive, the fortifications at Gloster are means to protect his ves- 
sels, his magazines and hospitals, and in case of a misfortune to ensure 
his retreat. The latter seems the most probable. I soon expect to be 
bard pushed, and never was woi'se provided. 

There is some rumor of a fleet being near the Capes ; but I do not 
believe it. Adieu ! my dear Morgan. 

Most affectionately, your friend, 

Lafayette. 

P. S. If you hear of ammunition, send it to us. 
Brig. Gen. Morgan. 

Judging, as well from tlie recollections of those who were 
acquainted with Gen. Morgan, as from the records he has left 
behind him, his mortihcation at being unable from ill- health to 
sustain to the end the prominent part he had taken in the great 
drama of the revolution, was excessive, and doubtless, it contri- 
buted in no mean degree to aggravate his physical sufferings. 
The termination of the mighty struggle was plainly foreshad- 
owed about this time. The French fleet had arrived in the 
Chesapeake, and blocked up the enemy's egress to the ocean: while 
Lafayette guarded the avenues to escape southward, and the Mar- 
quis of St. Simon those to the interior, " the modern Hannibal," 
was advancing with the main army from the north. Cornwallis, 
it was evident, had ^t length been caught in the toils of his adver- 
saries. 

Under the feeling to which these auspicious circumstances would 
naturally give rise in the breast of a patriot and sol<lier, kept by 
sickness from being present at the virtual close of a struggle 



GENERAL DANIEL MOKGAN. 399 

in which he had participated so largely, Morgan addressed the 
letter which follows to Washington : 

Septemb&r 20th, 1781. 

Sir : At a time like this, when your excellency's every moment must be 
devoted to the grand business of America, I know you can have but little 
leisure for private letters — but the feelings of ray heart will not permit me 
to be silent : I cannot avoid congratulating your excellency on the present 
favorable appearance of our affairs : I cannot avoid telling your excellency 
how much I wish you success, and how much I wish that the state of my 
health would permit me to afford my small services on this great occasion. 
Such has been my peculiar fate, that during the whole course of the pre- 
sent war, I have never, on any important event, had the honor of serving 
particularly under your excellency. It is a misfortune I have ever sin- 
cerely lamented. There is nothing on earth would have given me more 
real pleasure than to have made this campaign under your excellency's eye, 
to have shared the danger, and let me add, the glory too, which I am 
almost confident will be acquired. But as my health will not admit of my 
rejoining the army immediately, I must beg leave to repeat to your excel- 
lency my most earnest wishes for your success, and for your personal 
safety. 

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest esteem, 

Your excellency's obedient and humble servant, 

To Gen. Washington. Daniel Morgan. 

Washington, at the head of the French and American forces, 
was vigorously prosecuting the siege of Yorktown to a triumphant 
close, when the foregoing letter reached him. The following was 
written in reply : 

Head Quarters, before York, 5th Oct., 1781. 
Sir : Surrounded, as I am, with a great variety of concerns, on the pre- 
sent occasion, I can yet find time to answer your letter of the 20th ult., 
which I have received with much satisfaction ; not only as it is filled with 
such warm expressions of desire for my success on the present expedition, 
but as it breathes the spirit and ardor of a veteran soldier, who, though 
impaired in the service of his country, yet retains the sentiments of a sol* 
dier in the primest degree. 



400 THE LIFE OP 

Be assured that I most sincerely lament your present situation, and 
esteem it a peculiar loss to the United States, that you are, at this time, 
unable to render your services in the field. I most sincerely thank you 
for the kind expressions of your good wishes, and earnestly hope that you 
may be soon restored to that share of health which you may desire, and 
with which you may again be useful to your country in the same eminent 
degree as has already distinguished your conduct. 

With much regard and esteem, 

I am, sir, your most obedient servant, 

Brig. Gen. Morgan. Geo. Washington. 

Morgan was still at home recruiting his shattered health, when 
the joyful news of the surrender of Cornwallis was spread through 
the country. A large proportion of the prisoners surrendered on 
that occasion, were marched to Winchester, and guarded by a 
body of militia, were confined in the barracks near that place, 
under the direction of Col. Yf ood, the commissary of prisoners in 
that section of country. The untoward consequences which fol- 
lowed the arrival of these prisoners in Frederick, were the subject 
of a number of letters from Morgan to Washington, Governor 
Harrison, Colonels Wood and Smith, and others in authority. As 
the subjoined letter, besides being an interesting link in the chain 
of correspondence between Washington and Morgan, furnishes a 
detail of the consequences referred to, in a manner so complete, 
as to render further remark thereupon unnecessary ; it possesses a 
double claim to notice : 

Saratoga, November 2,bth, 1781. 
Sir: After acknowledging the honor of your very friendly and polite letter, 
dated '' Before York, oth Oct.," give me leave most sincerely to congratulate 
you on our late signal success over the British arms under Lord Cornwallis, 
which has afforded me unspeakable satisfaction, not only on account of the 
additional laurels it has gained to your excellency in particular, and the 
army in general, but because it has also dispersed the black clouds of 
adversity which hung lowering over our country, and exhibits a bright 
prospect of a peaceable hereafter. But while I rejoice in the occasion that 
subjected so many of our enemies to our power, I cannot but lament the 
great loss of prisoners which will, or I fear already has, taken place. I 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 401 

beg leave to lay before your excellency, the situation of those sent to this 
country. The barracks for their reception were scarcely adequate to half 
their numbers, and the staff department entirely unprovided with axes or 
tools of any kind for the building of more ; add to this the weather grow- 
ing cold, and the guards, which were militia, not being attended with suf- 
ficient discipline and law, the prisoners are so dispersed, that of those sent 
to Winchester, not more than eight hundred could be paraded a few days 
ago. On hearing this disagreeable account, I have ordered them all to be 
called in, but as the barracks are built in a tory settlement, five miles 
above Winchester, and a chain of tories extending thence along the fron- 
tiers of Maryland and Pennsylvania, who would rather assist than prevent 
their escape, I fear the order will not be attended to with the wished-for 
success, especially as many of them have been already seen passing the 
Potomac in hunting-shirts and other dresses of disguise. I shall visit 
them to-morrow, to see how many are together, and give the best orders 
for their future security our circumstances will permit. 

The Governor of this State has sent Xelson's corps of horse to act as 
guards to the prisoners ; but the inhabitants refuse furnishing either them 
or the prisoners with provisions. Under our present regulations, they arc 
uneasy at not being paid in hard money for their property, as they con- 
ceive the people of other States are, and indeed, are arming, and threaten 
to oppose the laws with force. My health, though by no means perfectly 
re-established, is sufficiently repaired to permit me to attend to any direc- 
tions you may think proper to honor me with in this quarter ; and I beg 
leave to assure your excellency, that I am never happier than when serv- 
ing my country in the prosecution of your orders. I have just received a 
letter from the senior British officer, prisoner at Winchester, which I take 
the liberty of enclosing. 

I have the honor to be your excellency's most obedient and humble 
servant, 

Daniel Morgan. 

N. B. — There are a number of soldiers straggling through the country 
who were prisoners at Charlestown and elsewhere ; some of them escaped 
from confinement, and others deserted, after fisting into the British ser- 
vice — thoy have never been apprehended, because they were never con- 
sidered as deserters. Your excellency's directions would, I think, be 
attended with an advantageous effect. 

His Excellency, Gen. Washington, D. M. 

Philadelphia. 



402 THE LIFE OF 

Before tlie subjoined reply reached him, he had contributed by 
his influence and personal exertions to collect the greater part of 
the prisoners together, to obtain for them additional quarters and 
the necessary subsistence, and at the same time to allay the spirit 
of resistance which the impressment of provisions &c., had aroused 
among the inhabitants. 

Philadelphia, 12th JJec, ^781. 

Dear Sir : I have received your favor of the 25th November, and return 
you my sincere thanks for your kind congratulations upon the late impor- 
tant success of the allied arms. 

I am obliged to you for the trouble you had taken with the prisoners of 
war, and for the offers which you make of rendering further services 
in that way. But the Secretary of "War, Maj. Gen. Lincoln, into whose 
department the charge of that business now falls, had given his directions 
in the matter to Col. Wood, who has long had the superintendence of pris- 
oners upon the frontier. A very troublesome business, and not to be 
envied. 

What you mention respecting those soldiers of ours, who, after return- 
ing from captivity, have never joined their corps, and th6se, who while 
prisoners, enlist with the enemy and then desert, deserves attention. If 
the terms for which they were enlisted have not expired, they are certainly 
liable to be called into service ; and you will be pleased to look upon your- 
self as authorized to apprehend all such as cannot make it appear that their 
times have expired. 

I wish you a perfect recovery of your health, and am with esteem, dear 
sir, your most obedient and humble servant, 

Geo. Washington. 

Brig. Gen. Morgan. • 

During the preceding year, Morgan, having purchased a piece 
of land, lying about two miles N. E. of White Post, had, in the 
mean time, employed a number of the British prisoners who were 
quartered in the vicinity, in erecting on it a handsome and spacious 
residence, which was very appropriately named " Saratoga." Into 
this building he removed his family from his former residence near 
Berrysville, early in the spring. 



GENEEAL DANIEL MORGAN. 403 

Soon after his return home from the field on this occasion, his 
eldest daughter, Nancy, was married to Col. Presley Neville,* son 
of John Neville, of Pittsburg, one of his old and much esteemed 
friends. 

Before the winter of 1781-2 elapsed, Morgan had, to all appear- 
ances, sufficiently recovered his health and strength to enable him 
to take the field again. But the energies of the enemy had been 
palsied by the capitulation of Yorktown, and already the indi- 
cations of an approaching termination of the war were apparent. 
In the spring of 1782 he resumed his command. But no occasion 
for service offered itself until the preliminaries of an eventual treaty 
of peace were arranged. He continued with the army, howev^er, 
and was at the head of his command when the continental troops 
was disbanded. 

It appears that Morgan was a sharer in the dissatisfaction, so 
greatly felt and expressed at this juncture by the army, at the 
alleged illiberal spirit which Congress and the State governments 

* Col. Presley Neville (the only son of Gen. John Neville, of Pittsburgh), was born in 
Virginia. He tool£ an early part in the revolutionary struggle, during the continuance of 
which, he was an active and prominent actor in its vicissitudes. In July or August, 1775, 
he was commissioned a lieutenant. In the succeeding year he was promoted to a cap- 
taincy. In October, 1778, he was advanced to the rank of lieutenant-colonel. During 
the years 1777 and 1778, he served as aid to the Marquis de Lafayette. He was a par- 
ta-ker in all the battles in which the Virginia line was engaged, up to the period when the 
Hessians were captured at Trenton, on which occasion he was also present. At the bat- 
tle of the Short Hills, in New Jersey, he commanded the advanced corps : had a handsooie 
skirmish with the enemy at Cocksbridge, near Christiana ; and received at the head of 
the brigade, the thanks of the commanding general. At the battle of Brandywine, which 
took place a few days after, he had a horse killed under him. In the succeedimg battle 
of Germantown, was one of the few survivors of a small detachment that attempted to set 
fire to Chew's house. He was at the battle of Monmouth, and immediately afterwards 
went to Rhode Island ; passed the batteries of Newport in Count d'Estaing's ship ; was in 
the siege from the commencement, and in the battle when Gen. Pigot made a sortie on 
the American army, after the departure of the fleet. He was then detached to the South, 
and was in the memorable siege of Charleston, where he fell into the hands of the enemy. 
In 1781, he was exchanged, and participated in the siege of Yorktown and the capture of 
Cornwallis. Soon after tlie peace, he received an appointment in the department of war, 
the duties of which he discharged for many years. In the meantime, he married, and 
established himself at Pittsburg. He subsequently removed to Neville, Ohio, where he 
passed the remainder of his days in the quietude of domestic life. 



404 THE LIFE OF 

displayed towards it. He was not exempt from the embarrass- 
ment which a devotedness to the public cause had produced in the 
private affairs of almost every officer in the service. His causes 
of-complaint, his necessities, and his feelings, are well explained by 
himself in the annexed letter, written in reply to one from Gen. 
Greene, introducing to Morgan, Capt. Osborn, of South Carolina. 

Saratoga, 28<A July, 1782. 

Dear Sir : I had the pleasure to receive your favor of the 10th June, 
by Capt. Osborn. I assure you, sir, that it gave me great pleasure to find 
you still in the land of the living, as knowing that in that country accident 
and changes are daily waiting on the human frame. If, by his vigilance 
and sagacity, he eludes every other danger, the fogs are apt to take pos- 
session of his lungs. 

The recommendation you gave Capt. Osborn will give him a place in my 
esteem ; and should he stand in need, I will recommend him to those of 
my acquaintance that have money. For my own part, I have none, having 
spent the time in the service of my country [during which] I might have 
provided for myself. And that country is ungrateful enough to allow, 
or at least, to pay me nothing for ray services. Our Assembly gave the 
officers certificates for two years' pay, which were to be paid out of the 
money arising from the sales of the confiscated property. But those fel- 
lows who have deserted their country, and, by the laws, have forfeited 
their estates, have left friends enough to have them remitted when con- 
demned. Our Assembly have made an act to raise three thousand men, 
and to give a bounty of forty dollars and clothe them. This would have 
been sufficient to raise the men, could they have any hopes of being 
clothed and paid: but they have been so eternally deceived, that they have 
no longer any faith in public promises, and the officers' spirits are so much 
broken, that they don't, nor won't exert themselves. Upon the whole, I 
see httle prospect to fill our line, or indeed, to make any progress towards 
it. Our Assembly have made a law to pay themselves and those of the 
Council, and others acting in the civil line, quarterly, and very liberally, 
out of the public treasury. But when they talk about the army, they say 
they ought to bo paid ; but that the people are not able to pay a tax suffi- 
cient to pay them ; but they make no doubt they will be paid ! I was so 
sure of being paid the two years' pay, and thinking I should have a respite, 
undertook the building of a house, which will, in a short time, totally 



GENERAL DANIEL MOKGAN. 405 

exhaust my funds, and leave me without either money or house, for I 
shan't be able to finish it. Withal I find myself growing very rusty. My 
clothes are nearly worn out, and my laurels fade. It is high time to attempt 
some enterprise. 

I am told you have had it in your power to get some clothing for the 
army imder your command. Could I not, with propriety, be considered as 
a part of that army, and be equipped with a suit of clothes. It would be 
needless to mention particulars, for I want everything, from top to toe. 
If such a thing can be done, my friend, Capt. Gill, will take charge of 
them, and convey them to me. 

I have the honor to be, &c., 

Daniel Morgan. 

Hon. Maj. Gen. Greene. 

The feeling thus displayed, although justified by the circumstan- 
ces which gave rise to it, was the result, rather of momentary irrita- 
tion, than of settled conviction. When relieved from the pecu- 
niary pressure to which he alludes, a more generous spirit was 
manifested, and a more liberal if not a juster interpretation was 
given to the motives and intentions of the governing power. 

This was fully shown when the troops of the Virginia line were 
disbanded. His conduct on this occasion was the counterpart of 
that which Washington adopted under similar circumstances 
towards the maia army, and it was equally successful. 

Up to this time, the medal which Congress had voted to Morgan 
in token of its estimation of his services at the Cowpens, had not 
appeared; and he felt a pardonable anxiety to obtain it. The 
letter from Gen. Mercer, in reply to that from Morgan, both of 
which follow, besides presenting a vivid picture of the times and 
the critical circumstances which invested public affairs, testifies to 
the judicious and praiseworthy part which Morgan acted upon the 
disbandment of the command. 

GEN. MORGAN TO MR. JOHN F. MERGER. 

Saratoga, February &th, 1783. 
Dear Sir : I am induced to trouble you with a few lines for two reasons ; 
the first through a reliance on your friendship, which I flatter myself would 
prompt you to serve me if in your power ; and second, because you are the 



406 THE LIFE OF 

only gentleman in office in Philadelphia, whuse acquaintance would coun- 
tenance such a request. 

The honorable Congress, after the action of the Cowpens, thought 
proper to vote me a medal for my conduct in that affair, and as such an 
acknowledgment of my country's approbation, could not but be flattering 
to the mind of a soldier, I have made fi'equent application to get it, and 
have been as frequently disappointed. Gen. Lincoln once informed me 
that nothing prevented its being sent to me, but the low situation of finan- 
ces, and that I should have it as soon as there was money sufficient to be 
had to defray the expenses. Now, sir, I not only wish you to expedite the 
making of it, but that you may also pay some attention to the manner in 
which it may be done, and with devices, properly emblematical of the 
affair. I have so good an opinion of your taste and general knowledge, as 
to wish to submit the matter entirely to your direction. The expense can 
not be considerable, and I flatter myself the financier, on a proper appli- 
cation, would advance a sum sufficient to defray it, especially to gratify 
the inclinations of a man whose principal aim it has been, to obtain his 
country's appplause to his conduct. 

I am, sir, very respectfully your obedient servant. 

Daniel Morgan. 
John Mercer Esq., Philadelphia. 

JOHN F. MERCER TO GEN. MORGAN. 

Philadelphia, Aptnl 2U7i, 1783. 

Dear General : Col. Wood disappointed me, and left town without my 
answer to the favor which you did me the honor to write me, some time 
since, and the casual conveyances which chance offers to your part of the 
country, have not compensated for his neglect. 

The change in our circumstances which the late pacification has made, 
will now permit the secretary of war to carry into immediate execution 
a resolve of Congress, directing him to furnish the medals, voted to those 
whose distinguished merit has drawn that mark of applause and gratitude 
from their country during the late war. You may depend upon my atten- 
tion to yours, and if I have any talent at design (which, by the way, I 
doubt extremely), it shall be aided by the assistance of those whose 
imagination I esteem as elegant as correct, and I hope will eventually 
produce what ought to equal your expectation, from the hands you 
have committed it to, if it does not merit your approbation. 

A late communication from the Comte de Vergennes, gives us every 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 407 

reason to expect a speedy completion of the definitive treaty. The paper 
however, which I do myself the honor to enclose, contains a very interesting 
debate. You will observe that the supplies are voted for the ensuing year 
on the war establishment , and it is plainly to be discovered that no orders 
had been sent to Sir Guy Carleton for the evacuation of New York on the 
8d March, thus corroborating suspicions which a studied ambiguity of 
expression, and marked reserve in the communications of that officev, had 
before suggested. It will become a very serious step, the compliance with 
the stipulations of the provisional treaty on our part, particularly that arti- 
cle which directs the liberation of prisoners, the performance of which Sir 
Guy presses with incessant ardor. The reinforcement of so formidable a 
force as they now hold in the heart of our country, with 6,000 or 8,000 men, 
would be a perilous measure in the present disordered, nay distracted, state 
of our poUtical systems. If we find that they hover over us to seize the 
first advantage which the paroxysms of disappointment and disgust may 
occasion, it will then require every exertion of the real patriots to 
strengthen the hands of government, relaxed to a degree that borders on 
anarchy. The councils of the United States are devoted to the grand 
objects of satisfying the demands of the army, and those pubhc creditors 
whose zeal and confidence, have animated them to exertions ruinous to 
themselves, although contributing to the preservation of America. If the" 
are properly supported, union and harmony may spring from a perman» 
estabUshmeut of a happy government, enjoyed in peace at home and 
abroad. But if the separate states will pursue measures subversive of all 
public credit, and thwart the united councils by municipal prejudices, our 
revolution will be productive of scenes of confusion, destructive of foreign 
and domestic quiet. 

Your exertions in directing the views of the Virginia line to the proper 
objects, have been similar to those that the general has, with a degree of 
firmness alone equal to the task, pursued in the grand army ; and their 
consequences will be not less beneficial to America, than the most splendid 
military exertions. With sincere wishes for your health and happiness, 
I am, dear general, 

Your most obedient humble servant. 

John F. Mercer. 

P.S. I had forgot to mention that the court of Spain had at length 
received Mr. Carraichael in his ofiicial character as charge d'afiaires, 
although it came but with a bad grace. He had his audience the 10th of 
January. Mr. Van Beckel of Rotterdam, brother of our friend Mr. Van 



408 THELIFEOF 

Beckel the pensionary of Amsterdam, the father of the American interest ii* 
the States General, is appointed minister to the United States. 
Gen. MoKfJAN. 



The disbandment of the Virginia troops commanded by Mor- 
gan, gave rise to an incident, which, though signally creditable to 
his goodness of heart, was, singularly enough, afterwards interpre- 
ted much to his disadvantage, and for a considerable time excited 
great prejudices against him. The circumstances were these : 
the government had no money to pay the arrearages due to the 
soldiers when they were disbanded. In lieu of better means, it 
resorted to the issue of certificates, acknowledgino- the amount of 
debt, and promising payment at some future day. This was cer- 
tainly a poor recompense to men, who, having encountered unheard 
of privations and perils, during a long and bloody war, in winning 
for the. country the rich prize of independence and nationality, 
were now, penniless, ragged, and broken down in health and spir- 
its, dismissed, and left to find their way to their distant homes as 
oest they could. Their situation excited the sympathy of the gen- 
erous and patriotic. It also attracted the attention of a knot of 
spectators, who, intent upon making money, no matter how, saw 
in the occasion nothing but the advantageous opening which it 
afforded them for a profitable investment. They did not neglect 
the golden opportunity, and soon they obtained a number of the 
soldiers' certificates for the most trifling and inadequate sums of 
ready money. Morgan, perceiving this, and indignant at the sacri- 
fices to which his soldiers were reduced by their necessities to sub- 
rait, resolved to counteract the sharpers as far as his influence and 
means would permit. He advised the men not to part with their 
certificates, which, he assured them, would certainly be paid at 
some future time, and perhaps, at an early day. In this event, he 
said, they would realize something like an adequate recompense 
for the great services which they had performed. He begged 
them to decline the speculators' unreasonable oflers, and to trusi 



GENEKAL DANIEL MORG-AN. 409 

to the kind and hospitable feelings of the inhabitants on their 
route, for food and lodging, until they reached their homes. But, 
he added, there might be a few who would be obliged to make 
every sacrifice to obtain money. To all such, he observed, that he 
was ready, as far as his means would go, to advance them upon 
their scrip double the amount ofi"ered by the speculators, he hold- 
ing the scrip as security, subject to redemption, should the men 
desire it. He concluded by reiterating his advice, that they should 
hold fast to their certificates. 

Contrary to Morgan's expectations, a number of the soldiers 
soon gathered around him, and stating their pressing need of 
money, importuned him to make good his generous offer. He was 
thus induced to receive as many of their certificates as the amount 
of funds he had on hand enabled him to accept. 

This circumstance was instantly seized by the speculators, who, 
disappointed of their prey by the interference of Morgan, sought 
revenge in attributing to him the heartless selfishness by which 
they themselves had been actuated. They labored diligently in 
all directions, in charging him with th^e baseness of speculating upon 
the necessities of his own soldiers, and of exercising his influence 
is their commander, in obtaining their certificates for the smallest 
jonsiderations. When the proneness of the human mind to 
receive the impressions of calumny, is duly considered, it will not 
appear surprising that these efforts should have proved measurably 
successful. 

These false reports at length came to the ears of Washington, 
with whom, it may be remarked here, no combination of ennobling 
qualities could compensate for the absence of probity. He was so 
much offended at the unworthy part which Morgan was said to have 
a(-ted, that he ceased to correspond with him, in one or two 
instances was heard to express his want of confidence in him, and 
at length, upon an occasion when they met, treated him with 
marked reserve. Morgan, equally grieved and mortified at con- 
duct, the reasons for which he divined, but which he felt to be 

18 



410 THELIFEOF * 

undeserved, lost no time in requesting an explanation. His con- 
jectures proved correct. Washington promptly told him that his 
conduct could not be friendly towards any man, who labored under 
the charge of having profited by the distresses and necessities of the 
soldiery. Morgan's plain statement of the facts of the case, sup- 
ported by the evidence of a number of the soldiers themselves, and 
of corroborating circumstances, speedily convinced Washington 
that he had been deceived. He expressed himself perfectly satis- 
fied, and admitted his regret at having given credence to a story, 
the plausibility of which made him forget that it affected the 
character of a man, hitherto high in his esteem, whose version of 
the matter was, moreover, yet to be heard. The friendly regard 
which had previously existed between Washington and Morgap, 
immediately revived, and was thenceforward strengthened by time, 
until death interposed between them. 

The reconciliation between Washington and Morgan, with the 
attending circumstances, speedily became known, and contributed 
not a little to silence the clamor which slander had raised against 
the latter. Not only this, it produced a reaction in the public 
mind in his favor, which resulted in giving him a higher place in 
the popular regard, than he had ever before occupied.* 

The course of conduct adopted by Morgan towards his calumnia- 
tors, from first to last, had the effect, perhaps, of aiding theii 
efforts. He disdained to stoop to the defence of a character which 
he supposed was suflacienlly well established in the estimation of 
his countrymen and friends, to .render it invulnerable to such 
assaults. The only public manifestations of his feelings towards his 
assailants which w^ere ever given, were those in which he chastised 
two or three of the number who had been particularly malignant, 
and who had been luckless enough to throw themselves in his 
way. 

This was a mode of vindication, however, that was ill-calcnhited 
to disarm his enemies : it was by no means acceptable to his 

* BISS. Dr. HiU. 



cfENEKAL DANIEL MORGAN. 411 

friends ; nor was it likely to produce a conviction of his innocence, 
in the the minds of those unacquainted with the parties and the 
circumstances. Among the remonstrances which some of his diffi- 
culties of this kind elicited from his friends, is one one from Col. 
Charles M. Thurston, contained in a letter from that, distinguished 
gentleman to Morgan, under date of August 22d, 1*783. " I really 
am glad," observes this gentleman, " that your affair with * * * 
* * * is at an end. I never heard the particulars of it, nor of 
the warrant, until a few days ago. But why will you contend 
with people so much below you ? You are placed now on an 
eminence, and should suffer the little people to pass by you in 
silence. * ^ * * ***^-jf yo^^ 
expect to escape the tongue of malevolence and the shafts 
of envy, you expect more than falls to the lot of mortal man. 
There is, indeed, one way for it. Become obscure — undo your 
great actions, and be poor. No meddler will then think it worth 
his while to level his pop-gun at you. Despise the little petulance 
of the day, and you blunt its edge. Like new opinions in religion, 
it gains ground by opposition ; and I would see the autliors d — d 
before I would notice anything not spoken immediately in my 
presence. For, let me tell you, sir, your situation is much altered. 
Your reputation, fortune, and present station in life, demand of you 
to conduct yourself with greater complacency, affability, and con- 
descension to all, in the same proportion that these have increased 
and improved." ^ 

Without subscribing to the wisdom of a course of conduct, 
such as that recommended by Col. Thurston, which, as it appears 
to us, is calculated to render calumny successful in most cases, it 
must be admitted that the steps which Morgan took, were much 
more objectionable, and less likely to free him from the misrepre- 
sentations of his enemies. 

* In a letter from President Washington to Col. Thurston, written in 1794, the following 
passage occurs : " I have a great regard for Gen Morgan, and respect his military talents ; 
am persuaded, if a fit occasion should occur, no one would exert them with more zeal in 
the service of his country than he would." — See Sparks's Washington's Wriiings, to), 
i.,p.42T. 



412 THE LIFE OF 



CHAPTER XX. 

Morgan in private life — Becomes wealthy, and rises in consideration — His younger daugh* 
ter married to Major Heard — He obtains the Cowpens medal — Indian war — Defeat of 
St. Clair, followed by preparations for a new campaign — Morgan appointed a brigadier 
general — The excise law, and the consequences of its execution— Gen. Neville — 
Appointed inspector— flesistance to the law assumes the form of rebellion — Meetings of 
the insurgents — Gen. Neville's house attacked, and destroyed by fire— He and other 
persons obnoxious to thv insurgents obliged to flee — Meeting at Braddock's field — The 
President resolves to maintain the laws — Sends commissioners to confer with the insur- 
gents, and calls 15,000 men into service — The Convention at Parkinson's ferry — Mor- 
gan's opinion of the conduct of the insurgents — Is appointed major general of the 
Virginia militia — His alarm for the safety of his daughter and her children — Prepares to 
go to Pittsburg, but is dissuaded therefrom — Letter from Col. Neville — The alacrity with 
which the Virginians obeyed the President's call for aid — Letter to the President — The 
reply — Letter from Col. Hamilton — The militia advance into the theatre of disturbance 
— Morgan marches to Pittsburg — Termination of the "whisky insurrection" — The 
troops return home. 

The succeeding ten years of Morgan's career were spent in the 
bosom of bis family, and in the increase of his means and the 
cultH'ation and improvement of his farm. It is not in the quietude 
of d'>mestic life that the reader will look for those stirring incidents 
and those developments of character, the sum of which forms 
the hero's claim upon the recollection of posterity. A brief 
review of the leading events which marked this portion of bis 
life, will, it is presumed, be deemed sufficient. 

The habits of saving industry which distinguished Morgan 
during his early career, had not been forgotten. He labored 
diligently and judiciously in removing the embarrassments which 
had gathered around his affairs during the war, and in rendering 
bis property productive. He had obtained from government, and 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 413 

had acquired by purchase, titles to large quantities of land on 
both sides of the Ohio and on the head waters of the Mononga- 
hela rivers. In the year 1*796, he owned not less than 250,000 
acres of land. Thus he soon acquired the additional considera- 
tion which wealth seldom fails to confer even upon the great. 

His family mansion was now the resort of people of the first 
rank in society. He had so far cultivated his mind and improved 
his manners, as to be at ease among men of talent and refinement. 
The amiability of his wife, and the beauty and accomplishments 
of his daughters, contributed largely to the consideration which 
attached to the family. The elder of his daughters, as has been 
already mentioned, had intermarried with Col. Presley Neville. 
The younger. Miss Betsey, was married to Major James Heard,* of 
New Jersey, during the year 1786. Both Mrs. Neville and Mrs. 
Heard resided with their parents several years subsequently to 
their marriage. 

It was not until the year 1790 that Morgan obtained the Cow- 
pens medal.f The pecuniary difficulties of the Treasury Depart 



♦Major James Heard was the son of an English gentleman, who emigrated to America, 
and settled in New Jersey about the year 1755. At the opening of the revolutionary war, 
the major was the only member of his family who espoused the cause of the colonists. 
He joined the standard of his country at an early stage of the conflict, and continued in 
the service to the close of the war. At first, he held a commission of lieutenant, in one of 
the regiments composing Maxwell's brigade. He was subsequently promoted to a cap- 
taincy, and finally to a majority. He shared in the campaigns of 1777 and 1778 in Penn- 
sylvania and New Jersey. During this period he formed the acquaintance of Col. Morgan, 
The latter, upon retiring from the service in 1779, invited Major Heard to spend a few 
weeks with him at his residence in Virginia. The major, soon afterwards availing him- 
self of tliis invitation, saw and became attached to the colonel's younger daughter. From 
this time until his marriage, he was a frequent visitor at " Saratoga." 

tWhen, in 1784, Col. David Humphreys proceeded to Paris, as secretary of the Ameri- 
can commissioners there, the execution of the Cowpens medals was confided to him. The 
colonel returning to America before much progress was made, it devolved upon Mr. Jef- 
ferson to superintend the completion of the medals. When the latter returned from 
France, he brought witli him two complete sets, and delivered them to President Washing- ' 
ton, the one in silver for the President, and the other in gold and silver, as voted by 
Congress, for the officers. That to Gen. Morgan was of gold. Each die cost 2,400 francs* 
*nd the gold for the medal was four hundred francs as an additional charge. Congress 
fead directed copies in silver to be presented to the different sovereigns of Europe, and to 



414 THE LIFE OF 

ment had hitherto deferred his strong desire to obtain this testi- 
monial of his country's regard. The medal was accompanied by 
the following letter from the President. 

New York, March lUh, 1790. 
Sir: You will receive with this a medal, struck by order of the late 
Congress, in commemoration of your much approved conduct in the battle 
of the Cowpens, and presented to you as a mark of the high sense which 
your country entertains of your services on that occasion. 

This medal was put into my hands by Mr. Jefferson, and it is with singular 
pleasure that I now transmit it to you. 

I am. Sir, &c., 

George "Washington. 
Gen. Morgan. 

For the four or five years preceding the fall of 1791, hostilities 
existed between the United States and the Indians on the North- 
western frontier. Generals Harmar, Scott, Wilkinson and St. Clair 
had been successively sent against them. The results of these 
expeditions were in every instance partial or unsatisfactory, and in 

the Universities of that quarter and of our own. This part of the business was, however, 
never executed. 

This medal, at the death of Gen. Morgan, passed into the possession of his son-in-law, Col. 
Neville; and when he died, it became the property of his eldest son, the late Major Mor- 
gan Neville. It was subsequently stolen from the Bank of Pittsburg, where, with other 
valuables, it had been deposited. In the year 1836, an act of Congress was passed, direct- 
ing that another medal be struck and presented to Major Neville. Much time was spent 
in unavailing inquiries and search for the dies of the original medai, with which it was 
designed to strike the new copy. Directions had been given to deposit them in the office 
of Mr. Grand, the banker of the United States. It is believed that they were subsequently 
transferred to the Treasury Department. In neither of these places, however, were they 
to be found. In the year 1888, it was ascertained that the copy of the medal which Mr. 
Jefferson presented to Washington was then in the possession of the Hon. Daniel Webster. 
■ From this gentleman the copy referred to was obtained and sent to Paris, with directions 
to Mr. Cass, then our minister to France, to have dies cut according to it. It was not, 
however, until the year 1840, tliat the medal was ready for delivery. But in the mean- 
time. Major Neville died; and the act authorizing the medal to be struck specially direct- 
ing that it be delivered to him, some time was spent in determining what disposition should 
be made of it. The difficulty was at length terminated by the Hon. Jno. Bell, Secretary 
of the Treasury, who, on the 11th of September, 1841, transmitted the medal, with a letter 
appropriate to the occasion, to the eldest son of the deceased, Morgan L. Neville, Esq., of 
Cincinnati, who died recently. 



GENEEAL DANIEL MORGAN. 415 

that of General St. Clair, most disastrous. In tlie defeat which this 
officer sustained at the Miami villages, on the 19th of November, 
1791,* General Butler, formerly Morgan's lieutenant-colonel, was 
among the slain. 

The news of this defeat was followed by the passage of an act 
of Congress, authorizing the enlistment of three additional regi- 
ments of infantry, and a squadron of cavalry .f The resignation 
of Gen. St. Clair, called for the appointment of another officer to 
take the command of the army, which, it had already been resol- 
ved, should be organized and sent against the Indians without 
delay. Among the officers spoken of by the President in connec- 
tion with this command, was Gen. Morgan .J It was conferred 
upon Gen. Wayne, an officer equally worthy of the trust, as was 
proved by his previous no less than by his subsequent successes. 

About the same time Morgan was appointed a brigadier gene- 
ral,§ with reference to a command in the army under "Wayne. He 
would in all probability have participated in the campaign which, 
two years afterwards, terminated in the overthrow of the Indians 
at the Miamis, had it not been that in the meantime, a different 
direction was given to his services. This change had relation to 
matters, deemed at the time of great moment, the facts and cir- 
cumstances of w^hicli will now briefly be considered. 

* Marshall's Washington, vol. ii., p. 218. + Ibidem, p. 223. 

i Sparks's Writings of Washington, p. 243. 

§ War Department, April 12th, 1792. 
Sir : I have the honor to inform you that the President of the United States, by and 
with the advice and consent of the Senate, has appointed you a Brigadier General in the 
army of the United States. 

You will please immediately to signify your acceptance or non-acceptance of this 
appointment ; in case of your acceptance, you will for the present give every stimulus in 
your power , to further on the recruiting service in your quarter. 

In order that you may judge of the pay, rations and emoluments for the commissioned 
and non-commissioned officers and privates in the service of the United States, I enclose 
you the act of Congress relative to the military establishment. 
I have the honor to be, &c. 

H. Knox. 

Secretary War. 
GrEN. Daniel Morgan. 



416 THE LIFE OF' 

On the 3rd March, 1791, Congress passed an a,;;!, imposing 
duties upon foreign and domestic distilled spirits. That portion 
of the act which laid a duty upon domestic spirits was strenuously 
opposed by most of the representatives from the southern and 
western States, and by the people generally in those sections of 
the Union, it was regarded in a very odious hght. In the western 
counties .of Pennsylvania and the country adjacent, particularly 
where the political bias and the private interests of the people 
united in rendering the law very objectionable, there was manifes- 
ted from the outset, a determination to evade or refuse a compli- 
ance with its obnoxious provisions. 

It would be foreign to the object of this work to enter into the 
details of the consequences, which, for a period of nearly four 
years, followed the adoption of the policy, embodied in what was 
termed at the time " the excise law." At first, opposition to the 
law was confined to public expressions of hostility to its objection- 
able features, to the extension and organization of public sentiment 
against its enforcement, and to such other legal expedients as 
were calculated to bring about its repeal. An opinion which 
subsequently became current, that the law would be repealed or 
greatly modified at the coming session of Congress, allayed public 
excitement for a time. But the disappointment of this expectation 
by the passage of the act of May 8th, 1792, rekindled into a flame 
fiercer than ever, the smouldering embers of popular discontent. 
The law, and the influences to which its passage was ascribed, 
were denounced in the fiercest terms, a refusal to comply with its 
obnoxious provisions was openly proclaimed, and its unconditional 
repeal was earnestly demanded. To defeat its operation no expe- 
dient was left untried, and those citizens who persisted in holding 
offices under it, and in carrying out its requirements, were shut 
out from the fellowship of their neighbors, and held as outcasts 
from society. A forcible opposition to the law was now openly 
recommended, and speedily carried into effect. In fact, resistance 
at length assumed all the forms of rebellion. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 41Y 

The President had, from the first, doubted the expediency of the 
law,* and finding that its operation was very unpalatable to the peo- 
ple of the western and southern States, he took pains to see that its 
execution was not enforced with unnecessary rigor. Though 
greatly moved at proceedings, which it appears were regarded by a 
majority of his cabinet as indicative of hostility to the constitu- 
tional compact which the States had recently formed, he determined 
to carry forbearance and conciliation to their utmost limits, before 
he resorted to force. Congress, under a sectional influence which 
had not hitherto manifested much regard for the west, displayed in 
the several measures passed during this period, in relation to the 
law of 1791, and the disturbances to which it had given rise, a spirit 
more threatening than conciliatory. The acts amendatory of this 
law, which were passed, preserved unimpaired the obnoxious pro- 
visions of the original law, while those passed about the same 
time for organizing and calling out the militia, with a view to 
" the execution of the laws," and *' the suppression of insurrection," 
had an unmistakable reference to the scene of discontent. 

Among the means employed by the President to induct; the 
people in the disaff"ected counties of western Pennsylvania to 
acquiesce in the execution of the law, was the appointment of those 
charged with that duty, from the most influential and popular of 
their numbers. In pursuance of this policy, Gen. John Neville f 



* Sparks's Writings of Wasliington, vol. x., p. 250. 

t Gen. Neville had been one of the most zealous patriots of the revolution, a man of 
great wealth and unbounded benevolence. From his own resom-ces alone, he had organ- 
ized, equipped, and supplied a company of troops, including his son as an officer, which 
he had marched at his own expense to Boston, to reinforce the command of Gen. Wash- 
ington, in support of the declaration of independence. During the " starving years," of 
the early settlement on the upper Ohio and Monongahela, he had contributed greatly to 
the relief and comforts of the destitute and suffering pioneers, and when necessary, he 
had divided his last loaf with the needy. In seasons of more than ordinary scarcity, when 
his wheat matured, he opened his fields to those who were destitute of bread. By blood 
and marriage he was related to some of the most distinguished officers of the revolution- 
ary armies; and such was his popularity in the west, tliat, had it been possible for anj 
one to have enforced this odious law, Gen. Neville was the man. Monette's Valley of 
the Uimhsi'ppi-, vol. ii., p., 205. 

18* 



4:18 THE LIFE OF 

was appointed inspector for western Pennsylvania. In the mind 
of this patriotic citizen, the sense of pubhc duty was too strong for 
the suggestions of prudence, and in disregard of the perils, losses, 
and mortifications which he clearly foresaw the office would 
bring in its train, he promptly accepted it. 

His first step, after entering upon the duties of his ofiice, was to 
select his deputies from among the most popular and worthy of 
his fellow-citizens. He then proceeded in a spirit of forbearance, 
to put the law into execution. Against the perpetrators of some 
of the outrages which had been committed, bills of indictment 
had been found by a court of the United States. Process was 
accordingly directed to issue against these persons, and also 
against a number of non-complying distillers.* 

In the execution of this duty the marshals were met by force 
and violence. Disregarding the warnings to desist from their 
pui'poses, some of these oflScers were beaten, others were tarred 
and feathered, and one was waylaid on the road by a body of 
armed men, who fired upon him, fortunately without eftect. 

General Neville now became the object upon whom the infuri- 
ated community sought to wreak its vengeance. His patriotism, 
his moral worth, his benevolence to the poor, and his services to 
the country, were all forgotten in the present causes of resentment 
against him. On the morning of the 16th of July, a party of 
the insurgents attacked his dwelling. Fortunately, he was 
apprised of the danger in time to prepare himself. His defence 
was so resolute as to oblige his assailants to retire.f 

Justly apprehending that this attack would be repeated, Gen- 
eral Neville applied to the militia oflScers and the magistrates of 
the county for protection. But the spirit of disaffection had 
become so general, that the few who remained free from its influ- 
ence, were afraid to array themselves in opposition to its progress. 
Tlie answer to General Neville's application, was that " owing to 
the too general combination of the people to oppose the revenue 

♦ Marshall, vol. ii, p. 841. t Ibid. 



GENERAL DANIEL MOKGAN. 419 

system, the laws could not be executed so as to afford tiim protec- 
tion : that should the j^osse comitatus be ordered out to support 
the civil authority, they would favor the party of the rioters." 

He next applied to the commanding officer at Fort Pitt, and> 
on this occasion, he was more successful. That officer sent eleven 
of his garrison to guard the general's premises. These were soon 
after joined by Major Kirkpatrick, an old and worthy soldier of 
the revolution, and an intimate friend of General Neville, and his 
family. 

Immediately following the issue of the process already referred 
to, public meetings were held by the insurgents in all the towns 
and settlements within the disaffected region. On the same day 
that General Neville's house was attacked, a meeting of the insur- 
gents assembled at Braddock's Field, where it was resolved that 
the attack should be renewed, the general seized, and measures 
taken to compel him to resign his office, and to give up his 
papers. 

With these objects in view, the insurgents, to the number of 
500, assembled on the evening of the same day, at the appointed 
rendezvous, and thence proceeded to the house of General Neville. 
On their approach, the general, yielding to the importunities of 
Major Kirkpatrick, withdrew from the house and retired to Pitts- 
burg. The major then assumed command of the soldiers, 
together with four or five male domestics, who had armed them- 
selves ; and with this little force, he determined to resist the 
expected attack. In due time, the insurgents arrived. A parley 
was held, during which they demanded that the inspector and all 
his papers should be delivered to them, and that the party in the 
house should march out and ground their arms. To the first 
demand. Major Kirkpatricic replied that the inspector was not on 
the premises ; and to the second he gave a positive refusal. The 
assault hereupon commenced. The contest was warmly main- 
tained for some time ; when the leader of the insurgents, Majo? 

* Marshal, ii, p. 341. 



420 THE LIFE OF 

McFarlane, being shot down, and several of his followers being 
wounded, the remainder, finding the fire of the garrison too hot 
for them, retired.* 

At first, it was supposed the assailants had abandoned their 
design. But in a short time it was discovered, by the blazing 
outhouses,that they liad merely changed their mode of attack. 
Major Kirkpatrick, desirous of saving the main building from the 
flames, and perceiving that it was useless longer to contend 
against a force so formidable in numbers, and desperate in purpose, 
surrendered. But the demon of destruction was unchained, and 
beyond control. The splendid mansion was first rifled, and then 
the torch was applied, which soon reduced it to a heap of ruins, f 

For some time prior to these events, Mrs. Neville, the wife of 
Col. Presley Neville, and the elder daughter of Gen. Morgan, had 
been on a visit to the house of her father-in-law. At the first 
indications of danger, she, with her children, and the other female 
members of the family, were removed to the house of a friend in 
Pittsburg. Colonel Neville was at this place, when information 
reached him of the contemplated attack upon his father's house. 
While on his way thither, in company with the United States 
marshal, they were both arrested by the insurgents. The colonel, 
though held under restraint for a few hours,. experienced no other 
indignity. The marshal was treated with extreme rigor, however, 
and obtained his liberty, only by solemnly promising to serve no 
more processes on the v/estern side of the Alleghany mountains. 

The insurgents, emboldened by the success which had hitherto 
attended their outrageous proceedings, soon after deputed two of 
their number, one of whom was a justice of the peace, to pro- 
ceed to Pittsburg, and to demand of the marshal a surrender of 
all his processes, and of the inspector, a resignation of his office, 
threatening, in case of refusal, to attack the place, and seize tlieir 
persons. The marshal and the inspector refused to comply with 
these demands. Unwilling, however, to subject the town to an 

* American Pioneer, vol. U., p. 208. * Ibid, 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 421 

attack, they left their families to the care of the inhabitants, and 
descending the Ohio, escaped the danger which threatened them. 
They were accompanied by Major Kirkpatrick, Colonel Neville, 
and several other persons, who had been proscribed by the insm^- 
gents. 

Soon after this event, a number of the inhabitants of Pittsburg 
were obliged to flee from their homes, in consequence of the dis- 
covery that they had written to Philadelphia, and other places, 
disapproving of the conduct of the insurgents. To the enormi- 
ties already committed by the latter, that of rifling the mail was 
now added. 

The insurgents were now governed by the impression that they 
had achieved a complete and lasting triumph over the " Excise 
Laws," and that it only required an organization and display of 
their numbers, to intimidate government into an acquiescence in 
their demands. They seemed resolved that there should be no 
neutrals in the country. Many of those who had hitherto joined 
in denouncing the excise law, and in countenancing resistance to 
its execution, were not prepared to carry opposition to the extent 
of insurrection. Meetings were proposed by the friends of order, 
for the purpose of concerting measures for their own security. 
But so much time was lost in deliberation, that in^the meantime, 
the insuro-ents became too strono; to be resisted. 

Soon after the destruction of Gen. Neville's house,* a general 
meetino- of the insurgents was held at Braddock's Field to decide 
upon the measures which should thenceforward be taken in rela- 
tion to the excise. About four thousand assembled, and an attor- 
ney named Bradford, was appointed to the command. A com- 
mittee was appointed to report a plan of future action, of which 
H. H. Breckenridge, a distinguished lawyer of Pittsburg, and 
an opponent of the excise law and of other measures of the admin- 
istration, was a member. Contrary to the expectations of the 
more violent of the assemblage, Mr. Breckenridge took ground 

* American Pioneer, p. 209. 



422 THE LIFE OF 

in opposition to forcible resistance. He succeeded in dissuading 
the committee from recommending unlawful measures, and urged 
a course of modeidtion until the effect of their past resistance 
should be known. The report of the committee was in accordance 
with these suggestions. It merely recommended the holding of 
a convention, by delegates from the several towns in the dis- 
affected region, at Parkinson's Ferry, on the evening 14th of 
August. 

On receiving this report, much dissatisfaction was manifested 
by a considerable part of the assemblage.* It was adopted how- 
ever, and therefore, the meeting adjourned. The more orderly of 
the insurgents immediately returned to their homes. The remain- 
der, to the number of about 2,000, marched towards Pittsburg. 
After parading through the streets for some time, a large number 
proposed to set fire to the town. Being dissuaded from this 
design by the others, they contented themselves with burning the 
mansion of Major Kirkpatrick, and then departed.f 

Fi'om this time, until the assemblage of the convention at Par- 
kinson's Ferry, many of the more active and reckless of the insur- 
gents, freed from all the restraint of law, and rendered desperate 
from the fear of failing successfully to resist it, traversed the coun- 
try to ensure the election of delegates to their liking, and to 
intimidate the well-affected. Yet, in the face of this danger, | 
many of the towns sent delegates to the convention, who were dis- 
posed to submit to the law and its administration'. 

The crisis had at length arrived, which presented to the Presi- 
dent the alternative, either to submit to lawless resistance, or to 
crush it. He met the emergency with that firmness which formed 
so conspicuous a feature in his character. The wisdom of the 
measures he adopted was proved by the gratifying results w^hich 
they produced. 

As a last eftbrt at conciliation, before a resort was had to force, 

* American Pioneer, p. 209. 
t Ibid. p. 210. 



GENERAL DANIEL MOEGAN. 4:23 

three commissioners were appointed by the President, with direc- 
tions to go to the disaffected region, and to offer pardon to all 
offenders who should abandon their evil practices and submit to 
the law. A proclamation was issued at the same time, warning 
the insurgents, that unless they should disperse before the 1st of 
September, the law empowering him to call out the militia would 
be put into execution. 

The commissioners reached the disaffected region in time to 
confer with the convention, then in session at Parkinson's Ferry. 
Their efforts were so far successful, as to elicit from this body the 
admission, that it was in favor of submission to the laws. Not 
having been authorized by the people to make any terms with the 
general government, a majority of the convention declined to act, 
however, and referred the question back to the primary town 
meetings.* 

On the 2d of September, a proclamation was issued by the 
President. He likewise made a requisition upon the governors 
of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, for their 
respective quotas of militia, to form an army which ultimately 
numbered 15,000 men. 

With this lengthy, but, it is believed, not unnecessary episode, 
we return to Morgan, whose active and prominent participation in 
the events subsequently brought about by the insurrection, will 
will now engage attention in connection with the events themselves. 

Morgan was not an unconcerned spectator of the disorders, an 
outline of which has just been given. He marked their growing 
magnitude with feelings of surprise and indignation, that were 
referable to his admiration of the infant institutions of the coun- 
try, his respect for the laws, and his regard for their chief admin- 
istrator. While sharing in the belief, so generally but errone 
ously entertained by the members of the federal party at the 
time, that these disorders were the preliminary steps to a medi- 
tated separation of the territory west of the mountains from 

* Marshall's Washington, vol. ii., p. 848. 



424 THE LIFE OF 

tlie Union, lie warmly coincided in the wisdom of asserting, peace- 
ably if possible, but forcibly, if necessary, the sovereignty of the 
laws, and the integrity of the national compact. 

During the preceding December, Morgan was appointed by the 
authorities of Virginia, major-general * of the militia of that State. 
His attention was thereafter diverted from the military operations 
against the Indians, to those which, it was already foreseen, would 
ultimately have to be resorted to against the insurgents, as the 
only means of suppressing their lawless proceedings. 

But strong as were his feelings upon this subject, they were as 
nothing, when compared with those he experienced upon being 
informed of the more recent proceedings of the insurgents. 
Before the actual circumstances which attended the destruction of 
Gen. Neville's property became known to him, rumor had impar- 
ted to them a much more sanguinary coloring than they deserved. 
At first he was led to believe that his old and valued friends, Gen. 
ISTeville, and Major Kirkpatrick, his much-loved son-in-law. Col. 
Presley Neville, and his favorite daughter, the colonel's wife, and 
her children, had fallen a sacrifice to the fury of the insurgents. 
The anguish of mind which this impression produced, was associa- 
ted with feelings of the liveliest indignation, and an intense desire 
to visit the supposed murderers with the severest chastisement. 

His mind was soon after relieved from impressions so painful, 
by receiving a correct version of the circumstances, in which his 
feelings as a friend and a father were so deeply involved. Learning, 
however, that his daughter and her children had necessarily been left 
at Pittsburg, upon the compulsory departure thence of her husband, 

* THE COMMONWEALTH OF VIRGINIA. 

To Daniel Morgan, Esq. : Know you that the General Assembly, having, from their 
confidence in your fidelity, courage, and good conduct, appointed you major-general in 
the militia, our governor, with advice of council, pursuant to the power vested in him by 
law doth hereby commission you, the said Daniel Morgan, as major-general. 

In testimony whereof, these our letters are sealed with the seal of the Commonwealth, 
and made patent. Wit.iess, Henry Lee, Esq., our said governor, at Richmond, thir 
eleventh day of December, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-three. 

Henry I<bs 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 425 

and Apprehending* that she was in danger from the animosity whicl 
the insurgents evinced towards Gen. Neville and his family, Morgan 
determined at once to embody as many of his friends and former 
associates in arms as would follow him, and proceeding to Pitts- 
burg, bring her and her children back with him to Frederick. He 
w^as with difficulty dissuaded from a purpose, which, it was repre- 
sented to him, might create the danger which was then only 
imaginary, would certainly fail in the execution, and perhaps cost 
him his life. The history of the American people furnishes no 
instance in which their exasperations have extended to defenceless 
women and children. Parental solicitude may have blinded him 
to a fact, so creditable to his countrymen, and so irreconcilaljle 
with his misgivings. But the receipt at this juncture, of a letter 
from Colonel Neville, allayed his fears for his daughter's safety, 
and induced him to abandon his design. 

An extract or two from this letter may be introduced here. 
After a brief detail of the events which transpired, from the 
burning of his father's house and his escape from Pittsburg until 
his arrival at Philadelphia, where the letter was written. Colonel 
Neville observes: "But to relieve your anxiety, I come imme- 
diately to the point, and inform you that Nancy and the children 
are well ; that she behaved with resolution and dignity during 
the business; and, indeed, evinced a fortitude and strength of 
nerves that I did not expect, especially as she had not been very 
well. * * * gl^e js gr^fg at Pittsburg, respected by 
the people, and if necessary, will be protected by the military. 
* * * I know she is safe, beyond the reach of danger 
and of insult, and very well ; yet there is no circumstance in life 
could afiect me like leaving such a family in such a situation." 
A little farther on, the colonel remarks : " I yesterday received 
a letter from a gentleman in that country. He writes me that 
they have heard you are to command the Virginians. It had 
also been mentioned that you intended to go out and look 
after my family. He begged me, in the most earnest terms, 



4:26 THE LIFE OF 

to prevent your going, as tliey would most assuredly insult and 
even destroy you, and that it might put my family, who are now 
safe, in a dangerous situation." 

Immiediately upon the promulgation of the President's procla- 
mation, and the issue of the consequent orders,* calling out 
the militia, those of Virginia displayed the greatest alacrity and 
zeal in assembling. In Frederic and Berkley counties, parti- 
cularly ^where Morgan's influence was felt and acknowledged, the 
men all volunteered. From the want of arms, however, and the 
delay occasioned in transporting them from New London, the 
men, after being twice assembled, were as often permitted to 
return to their homes.f A commendable spirit was likewise 
evinced by the militia of the other States, in responding to 
the summons of the President. . At first, it was feared that in 
Pennsylvania, from the unpopularity of the law which had caused 
che disturbances, and from the distaste for a service, which 
might involve the obligation of spilling kindred blood, the militia 
would not assemble. But the proceedings of the legislature of 
that State, seconded by the personal influence and exertions 

* The orders to Morgan were contained in the following letter from the Secretary of the 
Treasury :^- 

War Department, Sept. 13, 1794. 
Sir : I am instructed by the President to express to you his wish that every particular 
exertion may be made to accelerate the assembling of the militia at their appointed place 
of rendezvous, Winchester, and the vicinity of old Fort Pleasant, alias Moorefield. You 
are probably informed that a junction of the Virginia and Maryland troops at Fort Cum- 
berland has been contemplated. You are at liberty to hasten to that point all such as may 
be ready, and which you judge it advisable should move that way. But if you think that 
those who are to assemble at Moorefield had better proceed by a route different from that 
of Fort Cumberland, they may continue- at Moorefield till further instruction. 
With consideration and esteem, 

I am, Sir, your obedient servant, 

A. Hamilton. 

P.S.— It will be well to have runners sent into the insurgent counties to ascertain what 
they are about, the degree of unanimity and probable strength. Colonel Carrington will 
furnish the means. 

Majob-Gbn. Morgan. 

t Letter to the Sec. of War, Jan 26, 1795. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 427 

of Governor Mifflin, soon brought into the field the quota of men 
required. 

In reference to this and other circumstances just mentioned, 
and in iUustration of the views and feelings with regard to the 
insurrection, which governed both Washington and Morgan 
at this time, the following letters which passed between them are 
inserted : 

Winchester, Sept. 24, 1T94. 

Sir : I am sorry to understand the difficulty experienced in the State of 
Pennsylvania to raise the quota of men, to suppress that horrid insurrec- 
tion on their frontiers. The State of Virginia seems to be unanimous and 
determined to suppress it : and it is my opinion that we shall in a very few 
days have men enough at this post to do that business. For my part, I 
wish I was at Morgantown at this time with 2,000 men, which would be as 
many as I could ask with what would join me at that place, to bring these 
people to order. They are very much alarmed at this time. This I have 
from the best intelhgence. 

We have been greatly disappointed with respect to arms. Only 400 
stand have yet arrived, and those came from Philadelphia. We have been 
expecting 1,500 stand from New London, and have applied to the execu- 
tive of Virginia for 3,000 stand. Those and the arms from New London 
will, I expect, arrive nearly the same time, which will be about the last of 
this month. 

I wish an accommodation may not be patched up with these rioters, 
under an apprehension of not getting troops to suppress them. Virginia 
could and would furnish an army sufficient for that purpose. A young 
man, a brother to Colonel Heth, gave me the best account of these people 
that I have had. He was at Braddock's Field, and says there were not 
four thousand men of all descriptions assembled there ; that there were 
not more than one thousand guns among them ; and if the ammunition 
had been divided among them, he does not suppose there would be more 
than one round a man. 

For my own part, I think it a very easy matter to bring these people 
into order. I don't wish to spill the blood of a citizen ; but I wish to 
march against these people, to show them our determination to bring them 
to order and to support the laws. I took the liberty to write you this, 



428 THE LIFE OF 

lest your intelligence might not be so good, or that this might throw some 
light, or be of some service. 

I have the honor, &c., 

Daniel Morgan. 
His Excellency the President of the United States. 



Carlisle, October 8, 1*794. 

Dear Sir : On the moment I was leaving the city of Philadelphia for 
this place, your letter of the 24th ultimo, was put into my hands. 

Although I regret the occasion which has called you into the field, I 
rejoice to hear you are there ; and because it is probable I may meet you 
at Fort Cumberland, whither I shall proceed, as soon as I see the troops 
at this rendezvous in condition to advance. At that place, or at Bedford, 
my ulterior resolution must be taken, either to advance with the troops 
ito the insurgent counties of this State, or to return to Philadelphia, for 
th^" purpose of meeting Congress the 3rd of next month. 

1 i oerious circumstances alone can justify my absence from the seat of 
government whilst Congress are in session ; but if then, from the disposi- 
tion of the people in the refractory counties, and the state of the inform- 
ation I expect to receive at the advanced posts, should appear to exist, 
the lesser must yield to the greater duties of my office, and I shall cross 
the mountains with the troops ; if not, I shall place the command of the 
combined force under the orders of Governor Lee, of Virginia, and repair 
to the seat of government. 

I am perfectly in sentiment with you, that the business we are drawn 
out upon, should be effectually executed, and that the daring and factious 
spirit which has arisen (to overturn the laws, and to subvert the Constitu- 
tion), ought to be subdued. If this is not done, there is an end of, and 
we may bid adieu to, all government in this country, except mob, or club 
government, from whence nothing but anarchy and confusion can ensue. 
For, if the minority — and a small one, too — is suffered to dictate to the 
majority, after measures have undergone the most solemn discussion by 
the representatives of the people, and their will, through this medium, is 
enacted into laws, there can be no security for life, liberty, or property; 
nor, if the laws are not to govern, can any m.an know how to conduct 
himself with safety ; for there never was a law yet made, I conceive, that 
hit the taste exactly of every man, or every part of the community. Of 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 429 

course, if this be a reason for opposition, no law can be executed at all 
without force ; and every man or set of men will, in that case, cut and 
carve for themselves. The consequences of which must be deprecated by 
every class of men who are friends to order, and to the peace and happi- 
ness of the country. But how can things be otherwise than they are, 
when clubs and societies have been instituted for the express purpose 

(though clothed in another garb), by their diaboHcal leader, G 1, 

whose object was to saw sedition — to poison the minds of the people of 
this country, and to make them discontented with the government of it, 
and who have labored indefatigably to effect these purposes. 

As arms, &c., have been sent on from Philadelphia, in aid of those 
from New London, I hope and trust your supplies have been ample. I 
shall add no more at present, but my best wishes and sincere regard for 
you, and that I am, dear sir, 

Your ob't serv't, 

Geo. Washington. 
Maj. Gen. Morgan. 

At length, the necessary supply of arms and ammr ...'on 
having been received, the volunteers, who for the third time had 
assembled at Winchester, were oiganized into a brigade of infantry 
and a regiment of cavalry. The other division of the Virginia 
troops had in the meantime assembled and been organized at 
Moorefields. The quota of Virginia had been for some days in 
readiness to march, when the President's proclamation of the 
25th September appearing, the troops were put in motion.* 

The forces of Pennsylvania and New Jersey were directed to 
rendezvous at Bedford, Pa., and those of Maryland and Virginia, 
at Cumberland, Md. The Governors of Maryland, New Jersey, 
and Pennsylvania, and General Morgan, now senior major general 
of Virginia, were at the head of the troops of their respective 
States. The command of the expedition had been conferred upon 
Governor Lee, of Virginia.* 

Late in October, the troops from Eastern Pennsylvania, and 
New Jersey, being well advanced towards Bedford, the Viiginians 
marched towards Cumberland, whither also the Maryland troops 

* Marshall's Wash., vol. ii., p. 847. 



430 THE LIFE OF 

were tending. Upon the arrival of the troops at their respecti^ q 
rendezvous, they were inspected by the President. Perceiving, 
from the great strength of the array, that it must necessarily look 
down every thing like opposition ; and judging from the informa- 
ation which had reached him, that the insurgents wei-e prepared 
for unconditional submission, he relinquished his preconceived 
design of crossing the mountains, and returned to Philadelphia. 

While a part of the Virginia troops were advancing towards 
Cumberland, Morgan, at the head of a division which included the 
whole of the light troops, and a regiment of cavalry, marched 
towards Uniontown, which place he reached about the close of 
the month. Here Gen. Lee promulgated his plan of operations. 
The Pennsylvania and I^iew Jersey troops, who composed the right 
wing of the army, were directed to take position, with their left 
towards Budd's ferry, and their right towards Greensburg. The 
Virginians and Marylanders, who formed the left wing, were 
ordered to occupy a line between the Monongahela and Youghi- 
ogany rivers, with their left towards the former and their right 
towards the latter. A few days were passed in carrying these dis- 
positions into effect, when Morgan with the light troops and cav- 
alry advanced into Washington county. While the main divisions 
were in advance upon the disaffected region, Morgan with his 
command accompanied by Colonel Hamilton* and a corps judicial 
crossed the Monongahela and arrived in the neighborhood of 
Pittsburg on the 1 6th November. In Gen. Morgan's train were 
also a number of those who had been forced to fly beyond the 
reach of the insurgents, including, among others, Gen. John 
Neville, Col. Presley Neville, and Major Kirkpatrick. 

The people of Pittsburg had from the first been free from the 
moral infection which prevailed so virulently in the surrounding 
country. During the height of the disturbances, they had been inti- 
midated by the numbers and the violence of the malcontents, into 
an acquiescence in their wishes. Latterly, however, encouraged b} 

* Col. Hamilton ; Writings of Washington p., 451. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 431 

the prospect of protection from tlie government, and by the orders 
which had been sent to Colonel Butler, the commander of Fort 
Pitt, to afford the Pittsburg people every assistance and protec- 
tion in his power, they had made a public declaration in favor c " 
the laws, had associated and armed themselves against the insur- 
gents, and had invited back their exiles. They received the Vir- 
ginia troops with every demonstration of joy, and proffered their 
assistance in pointing out and arresting those, who had made 
themselves conspicuous in the recent outrageous proceedings^ 

Before the requisition of the President for a militia force was 
complied with, the moral sense of much the larger portion of the 
people in the disaffected region had received a startling shock 
from the outrages which had been committed upon the persons 
and property of Gen. Neville and others. But although they dis- 
countenanced a farther resort to force, and evinced a disposition 
to confine their opposition to the excise law, to the legal means 
calculated to bring about its repeal, still a violent and unreflecting 
minority remained, who were only to be checked by fear or force. 
The news of Wayne's victory over the Indians, which reached the 
disaffected region about this time, admonished the lawless, that 
the reign of' anarchy must speedily cease, if they would avoid the 
advance upon them of the general and his victorious troops. But 
when the militia marched from Cumberland and Carlyle into 
their country, a general panic siezed the malcontents ; Bradford 
and a few of the most obnoxious leaders of the disaffected, fled 
to the country on the Mississippi, and the last remnant of resis- 
tance disappeared. 

Thus happily terminated, without the-spilling of a drop of blood 
or the firing of a hostile shot, the event in our national history 
popularly known as the " whisky insurrection." 

As it has already been observed, the assembly of the militia at 
their appointed rendezvous put an end to open opposition to law in 
the disaffected region. Their subsequent advance was recommen- 
ded, only for the moral effect which the presence of such an 



432 THE LIFE OF 

imposing force would naturally have on the minds of those who 
were not as yet sufficiently impressed with the enormity of their 
offence, nor with the power of the government to punish them. 
The troops had not occupied the position assigned them more than 
two or three days, when they were ordered homeward. The Vir- 
ginians moved by way of Morgantown to Winchester ; the Mary- 
landers through Uniontown towards Williamsport and the Penn- 
sylvania and New Jersey troops, by the old Pennsylvania route 
to Bedford. 



6ENEBAL DANIEL MORGAN 433 



CHAPTER XXI 



Morgan stationed in the disaffected region— Resolution of Congress— A new force enlisted 
—Arrests— The judicious policy adopted by Morgan— Its happy results— His generosity 
—Is a candidate for Congress— Is defeated— Bad effects of his absence from the disaf- 
fected region— Letter from Washington — Morgan's reply— Termination of liis military 
career— Is again a candidate for Congress— Is successful— Becomes unwell— Is repor- 
ted dead — Extract of a letter from Washington— The eventual army— Letter from 
Washington — Morgan becomes religious — RemarliS on this fact — Anecdotes — The clos- 
ing scene— His death — His descendants — Concluding remarks. 



Notwithstanding the triumph which the laws had achieved in 
the termination of all opposition to their enforcement, it was mani- 
fest that the spirit of resistance was still secretly cherished by 
a large number of the people in the disaffected region, and that, 
without the presence of a considerable body of troops to keep this 
spirit down, it might revive again. Such a force was doubly 
necessary, when the reign of law and order was to be re-established, 
and when those who had made themselves conspicuous in the recent 
disorders were to be apprehended and punished. Accordingly, before 
Gen. Lee returned to Virginia, he directed Morgan, with the vol- 
unteers from Frederic and Berkley, to remain in the disaffected 
country, until authority should be obtained to raise a corps to 
serve in that quarter during the winter, which corps he was also 
to command. 

Congress expressed its sense of the conduct of the militia on the 
xate occasion, by a resolution of thanks, a copy of which was trans- 
mitted to Morgan, together with a complimentary letter from the 



434 THELIFEOF 

Secretary of War. * That body also passed a bill, authorizing 
the establishment in the disaffected district, of a military corps, to 
serve for six months. The enlistment of this corps commenced in 
anticipation of the legal authority ; too long after the departure 
of the different divisions of militia, however, to enable the recruit- 
ing officers to fill its ranks as rapidly as v^^as desired. When at 
length, the enlistments were completed, the organized corps num- 
bered about six hundred infantry and two hundred cavalry, and a 
company of artillery, with two pieces. 

This force was soon after removed to a position on the Monon- 
gahela, near McFarlane's Ferry, whcB* Morgan established his 
camp, and where he caused huts to be erected for the accommo- 
dation of his men during the winter. 

In the meantime, the judicial tribunal instituted by Col. Ham- 

* The resolution, and all of the secretary's letter having refereuiie thereto, are appen- 
ded. 

Department of State, Dec. &th, 1794. 

Sib : Learning that his excellency, Gov. Lee, has departed for Virginia, permit me to 
address myself to you as the commanding ofl&cer of the troops to be posted in the western 
counties during the present winter. 

It aflfords me great pleasure to be the channel whereby to communicate the enclosed 
resolve of the House of Representatives, so highly honorable to the militia comprehended 
therein. You will please to cause this to be published in orders, and upon the parades. 
it********* * * * 

I have the honor to enclose you a copy of the law, authorizing the troops in the west- 
ern counties. 

I have the honor, Ac, 

Maj. Gen. Morgan. H. Knox, 

Sec. War. 

CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES. 

In THE House of Representatives, Thursday, Uh Z)ec., 1794. 
Resolved, V/no/nimously, That the thanks of this House be given to the gallant officers 
and privates of the militia of the States of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland and 
Virginia, who, on the late call of the President, rallied round the standard of the laws; 
and in the prompt and severe services which they encountered, bore the most illustrious 
testimony to the value of the Constitution, and the blessings of internal peace and order; 
and that the President be requested to communicate the above resolution of thanks, in 
such manner as he may judge most acceptable to the patriotic citizens who are its 
objectB. Attest. 

Signed John Buckley, 

Clerk. 



GENEEAI DANIEL MOKGAN. 435 

ilton for the trial of tlie insurgents, had made considerable progress. 
A list of the names of the ringleaders having been made out, it 
was put into the hands of the marshal and his deputies, who, sup- 
ported by detachments of the military, succeeded in a short time 
in arresting a large number. 

Col. Hamilton returrfing soon after to the seat of government, 
the prosecution of this business devolved upon Gen. Morgan. The 
measures taken by him were of a milder character than those 
which had previously been pursued, and their good effects were 
speedily perceptible. A short time elapsed, after the appearance 
of a proclamation promulgated by him about this time, when a 
number of the principal insurgents emerged from their hiding 
places, and gave themselves up to him. Among these, as appears 
in one of Morgan's letters, were Arthur Gardner, George Parker» 
Ebenezer Golohan, John Colecraft, John Mitchell, Benjamin Par- 
kinson, and Daniel Hamilton. All these men were permitted to 
depart to their homes on parole, upon condition that they would 
surrender themselves when required. His representations of the 
unjustifiable nature of their recent conduct, and his assurances of 
the merciful disposition of government towards them in the event 
of their abandonment of all designs of an unlawful character, were 
attended with the best effects. Few of these men violated their 
parole, and many of their companions in error, following their 
example, gave themselves up. 

The difficult and delicate task of at once controlling and concil- 
iating the people over whose conduct he was left as a guard, was 
well performed, as was subsequently acknowledged with thanks by 
the government. The apprehension, expressed by a few, that his 
natural " fierceness, " added to his sense of the injuries which 
had been inflicted upon his relatives and friends, would render him 
unfit for the responsible station, were not justified by the eveuv So 
far from this, it appears that he became very popular among the 
people : the best proof that could be presented, perhaps, that his 
measures towards them were mild and 'conciliatory. We have, 



436 THE LIFE OF 

however, the additional evidence of these facts, which is furnished 
in his own letters, and in those of his friends. In one of the for- 
mer, written to the President in the latter part of December, he 
says : " I am dealing very gently with them, and am becoming 
very popular, for which I am very happy, as it has been my 
opinion froTYi the first of this business, that we ought to make 
these people our friends, if we could do so without lessening the 
dignity of government, which, in my opinion, ought to be sup- 
ported at any risk." 

In a letter to the Hon. Timothy Pickering, then Secretary of 
War, under date of the 26ih January, 1795, Morgan observes: 
" With respect to affairs in this country, 1 have the pleasure to 
inform you, that appearances are favorable. The people are gradu- 
ally becoming convinced of the impropriety of their conduc^t, and 
seem anxious to retrieve their character. * * * * 

I spare no pains to obtain from them the most unequivocal proofs of 
their returning sense of duty. To effect this, I mix with them 
myself occasionally, and have generally some of my family 
among them, who, by reasoning with them, often make converts. 
I anticipate an issue the most honorable to the laws, from the 
measures which government have adopted." 

Evidence of the sentiments of the people in the "disaffected 
region," regarding Morgan's conduct towards them, is furnished 
in many of the letters of his friends. In one of these occurs the 
following passage : " Mr. Johnston has been two weeks through 
the country, during which he heard nothing but the highest 
encomiums respecting your conduct in every particular." 

Nor would it be just to.Gen. Morgan to regard these evidences 
of his judicious conduct and its gratifying consequences, as the 
results of a calculating policy merely. They originated in the 
suggestions of a heart full of generous impulses, and extremely 
susceptible of pity for the unfortunate. O^ the large number of 
the malcontents who were taken into custody, the majo'- part 
were dismissed with an admonition, upon their promising good 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 437 

behavior for the future. The individuals most conspicuous in the 
recent outrages, were, however, sent to Philadelphia for trial, in 
accordance with directions from government. These, after a 
detention of several months in prison, were at length tried, 
nearly all found guilty, and condemned, some to different periods 
of imprisonment, and one, John Mitchell, found guilty of stopping 
and rifling the mail, was sentenced to die. The assurances which 
many of these unfortunate men received from Gen. Morgan, upon 
surrendering, that he would exert his influence to obtain their 
pardon, were not idly given. No one stood forth more promi- 
nently as the advocate of a merciful policy towards the accused 
than he did ; and his repeated intercessions in behalf of this or 
that individual of the number, fully attest the fact. His repre- 
sentations in behalf of Mitchell, the man whose enormities 
pointed him out as the solitary mark for capital punishment, 
drew the following reply from the President, in a letter to Mor- 
gan, dated March 27th, 1795. "The interest which you have 
taken in the safety of John Mitchell, as expressed in your letter 
of the 19th of January, would be an inducement to me to go as 
far in relieving him as public propriety would admit. But the 
attorney-general having made a report, of which the en{;losed is a 
copy, I think it advisable to postpone the further consideration of 
the matter until his trial shall have taken place." Mitchell and the 
other prisoners were eventually pardoned and discharged. If a 
policy, at once so wise and benevolent, was not contributed to by 
the intluence of Gen. Morgan — an admission which we are very far 
from making — it is certain that its adoption was warmly recom- 
mended by him, and commanded his best exertions. 

Early in January of this year, Morgan was announced as a 
candidate for Congress, for the district in which he resided, then 
composed of the counties of Frederic \nd Berkley. The party 
lines of federalist and republican had long since been clearly 
defined, and political feeling was already running high. During 
the two preceding years, this district had been represented in 



i38 THE LIFE OF 

Congress by Robert Rutherford, Esq., a prominent member of the 
republican party. Gen. Morgan had, from the first, adopted the 
views and principles of the federalists. He had subsequently 
shown much zeal and activity in promoting the success of his 
political friends; and at this time, he was considered the most 
popular and influential man of his party in the district. Mr. 
Rutherford having been announced as a candidate for re-election, 
Morgan consented to be placed in nomination as the opposing 
candidate. 

In the beginning of the month of February, Gen. Morgan left 
the camp at McFarlane's Ferry, having obtained leave of absence, 
and returning to Frederic, started on an electioneering tour. 
During the three weeks preceding the election, he traversed the 
district in every direction, and put in requisition those faculties 
which, on sterner occasions, had nevei* failed to win him the 
hearts of men. But equally active was his opponent, who, besides 
being a public speaker of some note, was considered unequalled 
in the business of electioneering. The result was, Morgan was 
defeated. 

On his return to camp, he quickly discovered that public feel- 
ing in that quarter had undergone an unfavorable change during 
his absence. On inquiry, it appeared that the soothing policy 
which he had pursued with so much success towards the people 
there, had not been observed while he was away. The military, 
unrestrained by the presence of their chief, had been rather over- 
bearing in their conduct, and at length committed some indiscre- 
tions, which subjected them to the civil law. As may be sup- 
posed, it needed but little provocation to re-arouse in the breasts of 
the people, those angry feelings to which the excise laws gave rise, 
and which Morgan had been so successful in allaying. Besides, 
many of their numbers were eager to avail themselves of an 
opportunity of presenting to the lips of the agents of government 
the bitter cup of morufications which they had been compelled to 
drain to the dregs. Indictments were accordingly issued against 



GENERAL DANIEL MOEGAN. 439 

a number of the cavalry officers, for alleged violations of the 
rights of certain individuals. One of these officers, having 
entered a man's house and seized a pair of pistols and a rifle, 
and another having taken by force a quantity of forage, without 
paying therefore, warrants were obtained for their arrest. The 
execution of these warrants was resisted, and the posse comitatus 
was called out to enforce them. A collision of a still more 
serious nature between the civil and military authorities was pre- 
vented, only by the opportune return of Gen. Morgan. 

Majors Prior and Armstead were in command of the detachment 
during Morgan's absence. The former writing to the secretary 
of war, in relation to the foregoing circumstances, makes the fol- 
lowing observation : " Gen. Morgan's presence is certainly very 
necessary in this country ; some from fear and otherp ''- om affec- 
tion respect and obey him. The change during his absence is but 
too visible." 

General Morgan at once employed himself in arranging, as far 
as it was possible, the difficulties which had unfortunately arisen. 
But some of these had already been made the subjects of counter- 
representations to the government. Washington's strong sense 
of justice is forcibly illustrated in the following letter, which these 
unpleasant circumstances elicited from him to Morgan. 

Philadelphia, 2Wi 3Iarch,n95. 

Dear Sir : The interest which you have taken in the safety of John 
Mitchell, as expressed in your letter of the 19th January last, would be an 
inducement to me to go as far in relieving him as public propriety would 
admit. But the attorney general having made a report of which the 
enclosed is a copy, I think it advisable to postpone the further considera- 
tion until his trial shall have taken place. 

It has afforded me great pleasure to learn that the general conduct and 
character of the army has been temperate and indulgent, and that your 
attention to the quiet and comfort of the western inhabitants has been 
well received by them. Still it may be proper constantly and strongly to 
impress upon the army, that they are mere agents of civil power , that out 
of camp they have no more authority than other citizens ; that offences 

19* 



44:0 THE LIFE OF 

jigainst the laws are to be examined, not by a military officer, but by a 
magistrate ; that they are not exempt from arrests and indictments, for 
violations of law ; that officers ought to be careful, not to give orders which 
may lead their agents into infractions of law ; that no compulsion be used 
towards the inhabitants in the traffic carrying on between them and the 
army; that disputes be avoided as much as possible, and be adjus- 
ted as quickly as may be, without urging them to an extreme ; and that 
the whole country is not to be considered as within the limits of the camp. 
I do not communicate these things to you for any other purpose than 
that you may weigh them ; and without referring to any instructions from 
me, adopt the measures necessary for accomplishing the foregoing objects. 
With great regard and esteem, I am, dear sir, your affectionate humble 
servant. 

Geo. Washington. 
Maj. Gen Morgan. 

The letter which follows is in reply to the foregoing. The sen- 
tences omitted are of a personal nature, the publication of which 
could serve no useful purpose. 

Camp McFarlane's Ferry, April 9th, 1795. 

Sir: On the 4th instant, I was honored with the receipt of your letter 
of the 27th ult., and for the hints it contained I return you my sincere 
thanks. 

Your approbation of my conduct and that of the army under my com- 
mand, affords me pecuhar satisfaction, which is heightened by the great 
coincidence of opinion between us, relative to the intention for which an 
army was stationed in this country. 

To impress upon the army a due respect for the laws, and to urge the 
necessity of an uninterrupted harmony between it and the citizens, was my 
first care, and what I have uniformly practised. To promote this good 
understanding I found rather an arduous task, owing not so much to a 
licentiousness in the troops, as to an unaccommodating disposition in the 
people, which I find but too prevalent among a great part of the commu- 
nity. In my absence, while attending the election in Berkley and Frede- 
ric, some little bickerings took place, and some suits were brought by 
certain individuals against a part of the army. * * * * 

It is a flattering consideration, however, that notwithstanding these 
things, I have it to observe, thai affairs in general are in a pretty good 
train. It shall be my business to settle all disputes as amicably as possible. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 441 

I have already, since my return, tei-minated some of them, and shall use 
every precaution in ray power, to prevent such misunderstandings ia 
future. I have the honor, &c. 

Daniel Morgan. 
His Excellency, President United States. 

From this time fortli, and until every cause of complaint was 
removed by tlie repeal of the excise law, the conduct of the people 
of western Pennsylvania was such as to relieve the government 
from all anxiety on their account. About the beginning of May, 
a large proportion of the forces on the Monongahela were, at the 
instance of Gen, Morgan, induced to enlist in the regular army. 
The remainder after occupying the post at McFarlane's Ferry till 
the latter part of the month, when their term of service expired, 
were paid off and discharged. 

With this tour of service terminated the military career of 
Morgan. Although occasions subsequently arose, which threat- 
ened a resort to arms, and in which his counsel was invited and his 
aid counted upon, he was never destined again to dravr his 
sword at the bidding of his country. 

He was now once more at home, surrounded by all the mem- 
bers of his family, and actively engaged in attending to his private 
affairs. At this time his daughters and their husbands w^ere 
included in the family circle. Mr. and Mrs. Heard had resided 
with the general from Mie time of their marriage ; and when Col- 
onel Neville returned to Pittsburg with the army, he immediately 
sent his wife and children to " Saratoga." But the removal suon 
after of Colonel Neville and Major Heard, with their families, to 
Pittsburg, left the general and his wife alone. " Saratoga " being 
too Large an establishment for two persons, and an advantageous 
G&Y being made to General Morgan about this time to sell this 
place : these reasons with the desire of being nearer to a house of 
worshij , induced him to dispose of it, and to remove back to his 
former residence, called " Soldier's Rest." 



442 THE LIFE OF 

Here ne resided in perfect tranquillity for nearly two years, 
when the importunities of his friends induced him to try his for- 
tune once more in the field of politics. The occasion was that, 
the chief result of which was the election of John Adams to the 
Presidency. Again the prize was the representation in Congress 
of the district in which he resided ; again his competitor was Mr. 
Rutherford. If, since that period, party spirit has occasionally 
been more imposing in its demonstrations, never, perhaps, has it 
displayed the same degree of bitterness and intolerance. The peo- 
ple of Frederic and Berkley were not exempt from the controll- 
ing influence which was then exercised by politics over the minds 
of their countrymen generally, in all parts of the Union. The dis- 
trict was so nicely divided in opinion between the opposing par- 
ties, that success depended, in a great measure, upon the popularity, 
influence, and exertions of the respective candidates : a circumstance 
well calculated to render more intense the party feeling where it 
occurs. Morgan's mortified pride at his former defeat, and his 
zealous desire for the success of his party, united in determining 
Liui on making extraordinary exertions on this occasion. For three or 
four weeks previously to the election, he gave himself wholly up to 
the business of electioneering ; and before the day of trial came, he 
had canvassed the whole district. His opponent had been equally 
active and untiring : so that, even up to the last hour, the result 
of the contest was considered doubtful. There were many more 
votes polled on this occasion, than on any previous one in the dis- 
trict. A considerable majority of them, however, were cast for 
General Morgan,* and he was declared duly elected. 

General Morgan's career as a member of Congress was undis- 
tinguished by anything saving his zealous support of the adminis- 
tration of Mr. Adams, and his assiduous attention to the duties of 
his station. He attended the special meeting of Congress called 
in the summer of 1797, by the President, to take into considera- 
ation the unfriendly state of aff^airs which existed at that time 
between France and the United States. 

* MSS. Dr. Hill. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 44:3 

While at tlie seat of government during the logular session of 
the following year, he was taken sick. The change from the pure 
air of the mountainous region in which he had passed nearly all 
his life, to the confined atmosphere of a legislative chamber, had 
first debilitated him, and afterwards revived those distressing mal- 
adies from which he had previously so suffered much. 

His health continuing bad, and being fearful of encountering the 
hot weather in the city, he left Philadelphia before the session 
closed, and much enfeebled, returned to Frederick in the month 
of June. 

From this time until the close of his life, there was a manifest 
yielding of his bodily strength and vigor of constitution. Although 
he soon afterwards recovered sufficiently to be abroad, and to give 
grounds for the hope that his health was re-established, he never 
again was destined to enjoy that greatest of blessings. Upon reach- 
ing the seat of government the following winter, he became so 
enfeebled that he remained there but a short time, and returned 
home in a state so low, as to inspire fears of his speedy dissolu- 
tion. 

The rumor of his impending death, which spread abroad about 
this time, was soon magnified into the actual occurrence of that 
event, and in this shape found its way into the newspapers. In 
relation to this rumor, the following passage occurs in a letter 
from Washington to General Morgan, written at Mount Vernon 
on the 10th April, 1799. " I assure you, my dear sir, it gave me 
not a little pleasure to find that the account of your death in the 
newspapers was not founded in fact : and I sincerely pray that 
many years may elapse before that event takes place ; and that in 
the meantime you may be restored to the full enjoyment of your 
health, and to your usefulness in society." 

The conduct of the French republic towards the United States, 
had been, for some time prior to this, of a nature so unfriendly, as 
at length to justify our government in taking measures in antici- 
pation of a war with that power. A regiment of artillerists and 
engineers were added to the regular army. The President was 



444 THE LIFE OF 

authorized to raise twelve additional regiments of infantry and 
one regiment of cavalry, to serve during the continuance of the 
existing differences with the French republic, if not sooner dis- 
charged. He was also authorized to appoint officers for a pro- 
visional army, and to receive and organize volunteer corps. 
Immediately following these and other vigorous proceedings, 
Washington was appointed lieutenant-general and commander-in- 
chief of the armies of the United States.* 

Gen. Morgan was named in connection with a high command, 
in the event of a war with France. The judgment and courage, 
with the happy union of caution and enterprise which had ever 
distinguished his conduct in the field, marked him as one 
eminently fitted to lead his countrymen against the soldiers of 
France. Happily, the occasion for his services never arrived, and 
had it been otherwise, his failing health would have forced him 
to be absent from the ranks of his country's defenders. 

The preparatory organization of the officers of the eventual 
army by the government and the commander-in-chief, furnished 
the latter with an occasion for writing the following letter to Gen. 
Morgan : 

MauNT Vernon, 3Iay lOih, 1799. 

Dear Sir: I have just received a letter from the Secretary of War, in 
which (after giving it as the opinion of the President of the United States, 
that officers for the twenty-four additional regiments ought to be had in 
contemplation; that in case the exigency of our affairs should require 
them, greater dispatch might be used in the formation) is the extract which 
follows : 

"The selection of officers for the eventual army appears to be an object 
of primary importance, requiring all imaginary circumspection and care; 
their characters ought, if possible, to be such as to inspire a general and 
well-grounded confidence that the fate of their country may be safely 
intrusted to them. 

"I have, therefore, to request that you will acc/ord your full attention to 
the subject, and furnish me as soon as practicable with a list of such char- 

♦ MarihaU'g Washington, pp. 429, 431?; 484. 



GENEEAL DANIEL MORGAN. 445 

acters in your State, to fill the annexed military grades, as in your opinion 
are best qualified and willing to serve in case of an actual war, -which will 
render it indispensable to recruit men for the army. 

"Every cautionary measure is necessary to guard against errors in 
appointments, which too frequently results from the ease with which 
recommendations are generally obtained, the partiahties of friends, and the 
delusive hope that men of bad habits, by being transplanted into the army 
will become good men and good officers, 

("The officers proposed to be drawn from the State of Virginia are, 
viz. : — • 

Four colonels, One colonel. 

Eight majors. Two majors. 

Forty captains, and Eleven captains, and 

Eighty subalterns of infantry. Twenty-two subalterns of cavalry, j 

" In making the selection, it will be proper to allow, if fit characters 
present themselves for a choice, a due proportion of captains and subal- 
terns to the several counties, according to their respective population, as 
well with a view to facilitate the recruiting service as to give general 
satisfaction ; this rule, however, is not meant to be so invariably observed 
as to exclude great superiority of talents by too strict an adherence. 

"As circumstances may exist at the time of the President's making the 
appointments, which may render it proper to make some changes in the 
list with which I may be furnished, you are requested not to give the par- 
ties recommended such positive assurances as will render a change 
impracticable, without wounding too sensibly their feelings." 

Having given you these extracts so fully, but little remains for me to 
add, further than to request your aid in carrying the secretary's views 
into effect, conformably to the principles he has laid down ; and that you 
will consider my application to you as an evidence of my confidence in 
your knowledge of character (especially of the old and meritorious officers 
of the Virginia fine), of your patriotism and wilhngness to form a respect- 
able corps of officers for our native State. 

I have no objection to your conversing with Col. Parker, or others in 
whom you can place reliance, on this occasion — letting it be clearly under- 
stood, however, that the inquiry and selection here proposed is eventual 
only, not as a thing actually resolved on, but preparatory, in case the 
President, in the recess of Congress, should, from the aspect of things, 
deem it expedient to carry the law for raising twenty-four regiments into 
effect. 



446 THE LIFE OF 

Tiiat you may be enabled better to understand that part of the secre- 
tary's letter which relates to the distributior of officers to counties, I 
enclose you the inspector-general's allotment of the State into divisions 
and subdivisions, for the convenience of recruiting and rendezvousing in 
each. 

Hoping that you continue to impi-ove in your health, I remain, with 
very sincere esteem and regard. 

Dear Sir, 

Your most obedient and 

Very humble servant, 

George Washington. 
Gen. Morgan. 

A subject more important thnn all others combined — tlie sub- 
ject of religion — chiefly engaged Morgan's attention during the 
remainder of his days. It was about this time that he became, 
to the great joy of his pious wife, a communing member of the 
Presbyterian church.* 

For some years prior to the period at which we have arrived, 
he had been a constant attendant on public worship. Subse- 
quently, he became by degrees more and more an observer of the 
requirements of the Christian belief. To be nearer the society of 
religious people and to a place of worship formed the chief 
motives for his removal from " Saratoga " to " Soldier's Rest." 
Mrs. Morgan had been, for a length of time, a professor of 
religion, and had supported a consistent and exemplary character 
as a Christian. Her influence and example were well calculated 
to produce good eflects upon the mind of a husband devotedly 
attached to her, and predisposed, from the promptings of his own 
heart, to follow her counsellings. To her praiseworthy efibrts 
with this object were joined those of the worthy pastor of the 
Presbyterian church in the neighborhood, the Rev. Wm. Hill, 
between whom and Morgan a warm friendship commenced about 
this time. From the day that he made a profession of religion 
until that of his death, nothing was observable in his life and con 

*Dr Hill. 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 447 

duct that was not becoming the character of a humble follower of 
the Saviour. 

It may be remarked here, that during the wildest and most 
irregular period of Morgan's life, he always professed and mani- 
fested the greatest respect for religion. In illustration of this 
trait in his character, one or two anecdotes are told of him that 
are worth repeating. When, on the morning of the assault on 
Quebec, the word was given for the troops to form, Morgan was 
was asleep under a shed. Upon awaking, his mind became sud- 
denly so impressed with the fearful nature of the enterprise in 
which he was about engaging, that he shivered through his 
whole frame, and for a time, felt quite unequal to the task which 
duty and honor imposed upon him. In this state of mind, he 
sought out a secluded spot, where, kneeling down, he prayed 
most fervently for protection for himself and his men, and for a 
triumph for his country. When he arose, his courage and con- 
fidence had revived, and with cheerfulness he took his position at 
the head of his command. 

On one occasion, Morgan related this anecdote to the Hon. 
James Mackin, of Virginia. " General," said Mackin to Morgan, 
" I expect you prayed like a man I once knew, who led a very 
wicked life ; but when in great tribulation, he was driven to pray 
too ; and in his prayer he said : " O Lord ! thou knowest that I 
have very seldom troubled thee with my affairs. But if thou wilt 
help me now, and extricate me out of my present difficulties, I 
promise not to trouble thee again for a long time." To this Mor- 
gan replied: "No, Mr. Mackin, I never used mockery of that 
kind, nor ever treated religion disrespectfully. I always believed 
in the truth and importance of religion, and knew that I was a 
great sinner for neglecting my duty to my God. If I ever 
prayed in earnest, it was upon that occasion, when I was commit- 
ting myself into the hands of the Almighty, and imploring hia 
protection. Having done so, I arose from my knees, dismissed 



448 THE LIFE OF 

my fears, and led on my men to the assault. I verily believe 
that it was entirely owing to an overruling Providence, in which 
I reposed confidence, that I was so mercifully protected, and 
brought off safely from the dangers through which I passed that 
morning."* 

When the battle at the Cowpens was over, and all the enemy 
and prisoners were flying, Morgan rode across the fields offering 
to the Almighty thanks, which were audible to many of his men 
as he passed. 

In the summer of 1800, his infirmities began to increase upon 
him. Unable longer to devote a.ny portion of his time to business, 
and desirous of having readier access to his physician and his 
friends, he removed about this time from " Soldier's Rest," to a 
house belonging to him in Winchester. 

During the closing year of his life, he was confined almost 
entirely to his house, and at last exclusively to his bed and easy 
chair. For the six or eight months prior to his death, he became 
so feeble as to require the attendance, night and day, of some per- 
son at his bed-side. Having gradually sunk under the pressure 
of his infirmities, he at length expired on the 6th of July, 1802. 

An eloquent and impressive sermon was preached over the 
body by the Rev. Mr. Hill. His funeral was attended by the 
largest concourse of citizens ever seen in Winchester upon such 
an occasion. The military escorted the corpse to the grave, and 
buried it with the honors of war. In the procession were seven 
members of the rifle company which Morgan raised and marched 
to Boston in 17*75. It might be truly said, that none in that sad 
cortege, were sincerer mourners than these men. They carried 
their war-worn rifles with them, and fired over his grave their 
last military farewell. 

Morgan's mortal remains lie interred in the Presbyterian bury- 
ing ground at Winchester. His monument is a horizontal slab, 

*Dr. Hill 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 449 

raised a few feet above the ground, whereon is the foUowinsf 
inscription, written by Gen. Presley Neville : 

MAJOR GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 

DEPARTED THIS LIFE 

ON JULY THE 6th, 1802, 

IN THE 6 7 T H YEAR OF HIS AGE. 

PATRIOTISM AND VALOR, 

WER« THE PROMINENT FEATURES IN HIS CHARACTER; 
AND THE HONORABLE SERVICES HE RENDERED TO HIS COUNTRY, 

DURING THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR, 

CROWNED HIM WITH GLORY, 
AND WILL REMAIN IN THE BREASTS OP HIS COUNTRYMEW, 

A PERPETUAL MONUMENT 

TO HIS 

Gen. Morgan's family and descendants may justly claim a few 
words of notice before we close our narrative. 

Mrs. Morgan, soon after the general's death, removed from 
Winchester to the residence of her son-in-law, Colonel Neville in 
Pittsburg, where she remained for some time. Subsequently she 
removed to Russelville, Kentucky, in which place Major and Mrs. 
Heard had previously settled, and with whom she passed several 
years of her life. She died in the year 1816, at the country seat 
of her grand-daughter, Mrs. Matilda O'Bannon, near Russelville, 
and was buried in the family cemetery at that place. 

Colonel Presley Neville continued a resident of Pittsburg until 
the year 1817, when he removed with his family to Neville, Ohio. 
He died in that place in the year 1823. In the year following, 



450 THE LIFE OF 

Mrs. Neville removed to Cincinnati, where she remained until her 
death, which occurred during the year 1831. They had had fifteen 
children : nine sons and six daughters. The eldest of the sons 
was the late Major Morgan Neville, of Cincinnati a name proudly 
associated with the worth and literature of the west. Another son 
Frederick, is a lieutenant in the United States Navy. 

In the year 1803, Major and Mrs. Heard removed to Russel- 
ville, Kentucky. In the year 1813, Mrs. Heard died suddenly of 
apoplexy. Major Heard survived his wife many years, but died 
while on a visit to his sister, at New Brunswick, New Jersey, in 
the year 1827. Their children were three daughters and two 
sons. The elder son, Daniel Morgan Heard, was a member of the 
medical profession, having graduated at the Philadelphia Medical 
school in the year 1816. Morgan Augustus Heard, the youngest of 
this branch of the Morgan family, was a student of law when the war 
of 1812 commenced. He took up arms on that occasion, and was 
a lieutenant in the army under General Harrison which operated 
on our northern frontier. He subsequently served in the Florida 
war of 1817, under Gen. Jackson, during which he was appointed 
one of the general's aids, with the rank of major. 

Our task is nearly completed. That it may not prove unworthy 
of the subject is all we desire. Should it recommend itself to the 
reader, from having familiarized him with the character, and intro- 
duced hira, as it were, to the acquaintance of one, whose name and 
deeds are associated with such proud recollections, our utmost 
expectations will be more than realized. 

The relations of cause and effect are presented in their most 
attractive, if not their most instructive shape, when they serve to 
illustrate the moral afforded by a life, such as that we have been 
recording. In the present instance, it is strikingly shown, that 
there is no condition, however humble and uninformed, that is 
not susceptible of improvement ; that when the will unites with 
the desire to be advanced, advancement follows as a certain conse- 
quence ; and that the road to distinction presents no impediment 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 451 

howe\-er great, whicli cannot be surmounted by genius and perse- 
verance. Fortune, it is true, occasionally invests the undeserving 
with honors. But let not this fact be a discouragement to him, 
who would shake off the trammels that bind him to the earth, and 
rise above the circumstances which surround him. The mere 
favorite of the fickle goddess can seldom boast of her constancy 
through the devious paths of a long life. Sooner or later he is 
left to discover, in the elevation far above him, of those whose suc- 
cess resulted from laborious, patient perseverance, the consequences 
of his misplaced devotion. Neither should the envy, and rivalry, 
and other obstacles which the aspirant to distinction must neces- 
sarily encounter, deter him from resolutely pushing forward in the 
path pointed out at once by interest and duty. General Morgan 
was less indebted to the adventitious aids afforded by birth, edu- 
cation, friends, and fortune, than perhaps any other man that ever 
lived to acquire a like degree of distinction. To these impedi- 
ments to his advancement were added those, arising from bad 
associates and youthful indiscretions. Even tlie high military 
reputation which he subsequently earned, checked for a time his 
progress, by arousing a jealousy which caused his just claims to 
promotion to be disregarded. Yet, in spite of considerations, 
which, at the outset of his career, seemed to forbid even hope, he 
obeyed the promptings of a mind, eminently aspiring and vigorous, 
and persevered in the improvement of his condition. Happily, 
the circumstances of the times laid open to him an ample field for 
the display of his peculiar genius. The result is furnished in 
the fame with which his name is associated in the mind of 
every American citizen. Yet, such were the high qualities of his 
head and heart, that had he received an education, such as is now 
within the reach of the humblest, circumstances similar to those 
which favored his pursuit of distinction in the field, would have 
made him equally distinguished in the council. 

General Morgan was a man of very large proportions. He was 
upwards of six feet high, and although never fleshy, seldoni 



4:52 THELIFEOF 

weighed less than two hundred pounds. To an iron constitution 
were added great powers of strength and endurance. Before he 
was visited by those aihnents which embittered the evening of his 
days, his physical energies seemed unbounded. Few men of his 
time could compare with him in his ability to withstand the 
effects of hunger, cold, or fatigue ; and when duty subjected him 
to these severe tests, no one encountered them with more alac- 
rity. His person was well developed, and his movements and 
gestures indicated both vigor and grace. His face was handsome, 
and remarkably expressive of the emotion of the moment, whether 
gentle or violent. It is said that when dressed in uniform, a more 
imposing figure than that he presented, was seldom to be met 
with.* 

His mind was sohd, and comprehensive, yet acute and discrimi- 
nating. Long before he attained the meridian of life, its vigor 
and activity had largely compensated for the want of early culti- 
vation. Fully impressed with the conviction, that the improve- 
ment of his mind was an indispensable pre-requsite to his advance- 
ment, he was an early and diligent student. At a later period of 
his life, he possessed a better knowledge of history, ancient and 
modern, than is usually acquired by those who enjoy the advan- 
tages of a liberal education. But perhaps the most striking illus- 
tration of his mental improvement is furnished in his correspond- 
ence. At first. Lis style of writing was exceedingly inaccurate. 
His improvement, through a long series of years, was, however, 
progressive, and plainly perceptible. In proof of this, we need 
only refer to those of his later letters which have been introduced 
in this work, some of which, for strength of thought, and elegance 
of expression, would do no discredit to one who had acquired a 
reputation upon the achievements of his pen. 

His knowledge of human nature was an inherent gift, the extent 
of which was displayed in the mastery it enabled him at all times 
to exercise over the minds of his associates. Although subject 

* Dr. HilL 



GENERAL DANIEL MOKGAN. 453 

to violent gnsts of passion, -when his unconquerable will was 
thwarted, such ebullitions had never more than a momentary 
control over his actions. His courage was of a peculiar quality, 
if we are to credit his oft-repeated declarations regarding- it. 
When beyond the reach of danger, or of any exciting cause, he 
was accustomed to admit his sensibility to the impressions of fear. 
Just previous to some of the most glorious occasions of his life, 
those feelings are said by himself to have come upon him like an 
apparition, shaking for a moment his inmost soul. But at the 
crisis of battle most trying to human fortitude, when death pre- 
sented itself on every side, and danger flew thickly around, no 
such weaknesses were ever exhibited. Perils which appalled ordi- 
nary men, only seemed to raise his spirit still higher, and to stimu- 
late and bring into more active exercise, all the faculties of his 
mind. His fearlessness, under such circumstances, was the conse- 
quence, not so much of a dull perception of danger, as of the 
behests of a will, which, like a mountain-torrent, knew no stop, 
but rose and grew stronger by opposition. Yet, his courage was 
tempered by a prudence and a circumspection, which the superfi- 
cial observer would consider bordering on timidity. Throughout 
his long military career, during which the most cautious officers 
were occasionally caught ofl' their guard, he never experienced a 
surprise, although the nature of the service on which he was 
chiefly engaged, subjected him constantly to such a contingency. 
Decision and firmness were always displayed both in the combination 
and the execution of his plans. These at all times evinced a sound 
and far-reaching judgment, and seldom disappointed his expecta- 
tions. In fine, he possessed that faculty, which is, perhaps, the 
rarest and most valuable of those which enter into the position of 
a great commander — that by which he was always enabled to con- 
ciliate the respect and regard of those who were placed under his 
command, and to inspire them with a share of his 5wn confidence 
and resolution. 

Morgan's heart was full of every generous and ennobling prin- 



4#4 THE LIFE OF 

ciple. He was a fond and devoted husband and father, a warm 
friend, and a zealous and active citizen. Before he adopted reli- 
gion as the guide of his actions, his conduct was regulated by the 
most rigid notions of honor. He was remarkable through life for 
his candor. Whether the occasion for the exercise of this quality 
was agreeable or not to his hearers, seemed all the same to him. 
He was never known to sacrifice truth to conventionality. He 
abhorred the character of a hypocrite or dissembler, and never 
took any pains to conceal his contempt for the dishonest, the 
treacherous and the cowardly. Hospitality was regarded by him 
as duty ; and his house and purse were ever open to the distressed 
and unfortunate. His resentment, though easily provoked, had 
nothing malignant in it, and was short-lived, even in cases where 
it was aroused by injuries. However strong his reasons might 
be for the indulgence of revengeful feelings, yet when such 
existed, they never withstood the first appeal to his magnanimity. 
It needed only an unfortunate change in the circumstances of 
those who had provoked his ire, to render them eligible claimants 
upon his sympathy and assistance. 

At all stages of Morgan's life, he was industrious and econo- 
mical. One of the natural results of the operation of these quali- 
ties w^as, his accumulation of a handsome property before he died.- 
Yet he was far from being parsimonious ; on the contrary, he was 
lavish of his means when an appeal was made to his patriotism 
or his friendship. His manners were simple and unobtrusive, 
devoid of everything calculated to attract notice. His intercourse 
with strangers was marked by a politeness that made up in hear- 
tiness what it wanted in polish. Good-humored familiarity 
marked his conversations with his friends and acquaintances. 
His disposition was naturally cheerful and obliging. His appear- 
ance and conversation would at first indicate a character unusually 
grave. Yet he possessed a lively sense of the ridiculous, and a 
fund of rich humor — faculties which he missed few opportunities 
of exercising. His early excesses had a short-lived existence, and 



GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 455 

were abandoned during his military career. He retained, how- 
ever, a rational fondness for the society of his friends around the 
festal board, to the convivialities of which, few could contribute 
so largely and so well. 

If Morgan had enemies — and who is he, worthy of notice, that 
has had none ? — their numbers were inconsiderable when com- 
pared with those of his friends. His frank ingenuous manners, 
his sociability, and his higher qualities of the head and heart, 
were well calculated to win for him the regard of all who came 
within the scope of his acquaintance. By none was he more 
beloved than by the oflScers and soldiers who served under him. 
He was indebted for much the greater part of his enemies to poli- 
tical considerations. When parties were first formed, under the 
Constitution of 1789, he joined the Federalists. Subsequently, 
his apprehensions for the newly formed Union, threatened as he 
honestly thought it was by the Republicans, aroused in its defence 
feelings of a nature more patriotic than partisan, and made him 
regard political opponents as little better than personal enemies. 
In this way, he was drawn to the arena of party strife, from which 
few escape without injury, none without detraction. 



APPENDIX. 



APPENDIX 



APPENDIX A. 

COPT OF A WILL DRAWN BY GENERAL MORGAN IN ITYS. 

In the name of God, amen. 

I, Daniel Morgan, of Frederick county, Virginia, being in my proper 
senses, and calling to mind the uncertainty of life and the certainty of 
death, do make this my last Will and Testament, hereby revoking and dis- 
annulling all former wills and codocils of wills, heretofore made by me the 
aforesaid Daniel Morgan. 

And in the first place it is my will and desire, and I do hereby constitute 
and appoint my loving and affectionate wife Abigail Morgan, the whole and 
sole executrix of this my last Will and Testament, of all and every part of 
my estate, both real and personal. 

Item. It is my will and desire that all my just debts be honestly and 
punctually paid, and that the remainder or residue of my estate (after the 
discharge of those my debts) be appropriated to the use and for the benefit 
of the said Abigail, my dear and loving wife ; and that the same continue 
to be at her disposal, during her natural life and widowhood. 

Item. It is my will and desire, that after the decease of the aforesaid 
Abigail (or in case she should intermarry after my decease) that the whole 
and sole of my estate, both real and personal, be equally divided between 
her two daughters, named Nancy Morgan and Betsey Morgan ; and in case 
of the decease of either of them, that then the whole and sole of my estate 
aforesaid be appropriated to the use and benefit of the survivor, or survif 
ving sister. 

439 



460 APPENDIX. 

Ttem^ it is my will and desire, and the intent and meaning of this, is that 
my loving wife Abigail have the use and benefit of all ray estate aforesaid, 
as aforesaid specified, only excepting against, and prohibiting her from dis- 
posing of any part thereof to defraud the two children aforesaid^ to 
wit, Nancy Morgan and Betsey Morgan. In witness whereof, and in testi- 
mony of my approbation of this my last Will and Testament, 1 have here- 
unto set my hand and afldxed my seal, this 17th day of April, in the year 

of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and seventy-three. 

Daniel Morgan. 

Signed sealed and delivered in the presence of 

Baylis Earle, Elijah Isaacs, • I 1 

John McGuir, Samuel Price. ' ' 



I, Daniel Morgan, of Winchester, in the county of Frederic and Com- 
monwealth of Yirginia, possessing fully the powers of recollection and all the 
usual faculties of my lairid, but being weak m bjdy and knowing that all 
men must die, do make this my last Will and Testament, hereby revoking all 
former Wills or Testaments heretofore made by me, and allowing this only 
to be my last Will and Testament. 

First, I recommend my soul to the Omnipotent Creator of all things, 
trusting for salvation in his mercy and the atonement of my blessed Lord 
and Saviour Jesus Christ. I desire that my body may be decently interred 
at the discretion of my family and as to my worldly affairs I make the fol- 
lowing arrangement and distribution. 

Having by two deeds of trust bearing date the sixteenth day of March 
in the present year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and one, con- 
veyed to certain trustees in the said deeds named the place called Saratoga, 
containing two hundred and fifty-five acres of land with its appurtenances ; 
and also four hundred and seven acres of land more or less, adjoining the 
lands of Thomas Bryarly, the heir of John Bell deceased, Richard K. Mead 
and Alexander Henderson, which I purchased of Nathaniel Ashby ; also 
three hundred and eleven acres of land adjoining Saratoga, which I pur- 
chased of Col. Nathaniel Burwell, late of Isle of Wight county, deceased, 
also one hundred acres of land which I purchased of Nathaniel Burwell, 
Esq., of Frederic county, adjoining Saratoga, all of the said lands being ia 
the countv of Frederick, and Commonwealth of Virginia, also all the stock, 



APPENDIX. 461 

slaves, household stufif and furniture, on the said place called Saratoga, and 
m the mansion house thereon, to hold in trust for the benefit of my well 
beloved daughter Betsy Heard wife of James Heard, according to the tenor 
of the said deeds, which it is my desire may be fully executed and complied 
with in every particular, and in addition to the property aforesaid I now 
give, devise and bequeath to my said daughter Betsy Heard all my land in 
the State of Kentucky, whether granted for military services or otherwise, 
and whether in my own name or procured by purchase, computed to be 
about ten thousand acres, to hold to her the said Betsy Heard, her heirs 
and assigns forever ; and I do hereby empower and authorize Major James 
Heard to make sale of the said lands in Kentucky or any part or parcel 
thereof, and upon such sale being made to make good and sufficient titles 
to the purchaser, and apply the purchase money to the use of the family, 
provided my said daughter Betsy shall consent to such sale. I also give, 
devise and bequeath to my said daughter Betsy Heard five thousand acres 
of land in the State of Tennessee on Crow Creek, purchased of Major Arm- 
stead for five thousand dollars to her, her heirs and assigns forever. 

I give, devise and bequeath to my beloved wife Abigail the tract of land 
I purchased of Samuel Bell, containing two hundred and seventy-eight 
acres, to her, her heirs and assigns forever, to be by her sold and the 
money applied to such uses and purposes as she may think proper. 

I desire that my executors hereafter named, may with all convenient 
speed after my decease collect all debts due to me, and out of the moneys 
so collected pay all my just debts and funeral charges, and being conscious 
that I owe no just debts of long standing, I desire that if any such should 
be brought against my estate the statute of limitations shall be pleaded in 
bar of such claims. All my military land in the northwestern territory I 
give, devise and bequeath to Presley Neville, my son-in-law, to be disposed 
of at his discretion to him, his heirs and assigns forever. 

All the rest, residue, and remainder of my estate real, personal or 
mixed, I give, devise and bequeath unto my beloved wife Abigail, for and 
during the term of her natural life, and after her decease, I give, devise and 
bequeath the same to my well beloved daughter Nancy Neville, wife of the 
aforesaid Presley Neville, to her heirs, executors, administrators, and assigns, 
forever. 

And lastly, I do hereby appoint my beloved wife Abigail Morgan and my 
eon-in-law Presley Neville, executrix and executor of this my last Will and 
Testament. 

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal this seven- 



462 APPENDIX. 

teenth day of March in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred 
and one. 

Daniel Morgan. 
Signed, sealed, published, pronounced and declared 

by the said Daniel Morgan as and for his last will 

and testament in presence of us, who in his pre- L_^fHJ 

sence and in the presence of each other, have sub- 
scribed our names as witnesses. 
John Walters, 
Jacob Harmee, 
Obed Waite. 

Whereas, I Daniel Morgan of Winchester, in the county of Frederic 
and Commonwealth of Virginia, on the seventeenth day of March in the 
year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and one, did make and pub- 
lish the foregoing will and testament, contained on three pages of this 
sheet of paper, and bearing date on the aforesaid seventeenth day of 
March 1801, which said will and testament I do hereby ratify and confirm 
in all and every article thereof, except the alteration hereinafter mentioned 
in this present writing, which I make and add as a codicil to my said last 
will and testament, and to be taken as part thereof, that is to say, whereas, 
in and by the said last will and testament, I did among other things give, 
devise and bequeath unto my well beloved daughter Betsy Heard, wife of 
James Heard, all my lands in the State of Kentucky whether granted for 
military services or otherwise, and whether in my name or procured by 
purchase, computed to be about ten thousand acres, to hold to her the said 
Betsy Heard, her heirs and assigns forever, and did empower Major James 
Heard to make sale of the said lands or any part thereof and apply the 
money arising from such sale to the use of his family, provided the said 
Betsy should consent to such sale being made, and I did by the same will 
devise to the said Betsy five thousand acres of land in the State of Teu- 
nesee on Crow Creek, purchased of Major Armstead for five thousand dollars, 
to her heirs and assigns forever, now it is hereby declared to be my will and 
desire that instead of said lands going and being devised as aforesaid, that 
my four grandchildren Matilda Heard, Nancy Morgan Heard, Daniel Mor- 
gan Heard, and Morgan Augustus Heard, children of the said Betsy Heard, 
have the same to be equally divided among them, share and share alike 
as to quantity and quality, and I do hereby devise the same to them,4he 
said Matilda, Nancy Morgan, Daniel Morgan, and Morgan Augustus Heard, 
their heirs and assigns forever, to be equally divided as aforesaid. In 



APPENDIX. 463 

■witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal this seventeenth 

day of March, 1802. 

Daniel Morgan. 

Signed, sealed, published and pronounced, and decla- I > 



red by the said Daniel Morgan, as a codicil to his 
last will and testament, in presence of 

Obed Waite, 

Hamilton Cooper, 

John Kingan. 

At a Superior Court composed and held, for the district composed for 
the counties of Frederic, Berkley, Shenandoah and Jefferson, at Win- 
chester, the 30th day of September, 1802. This last will of Gen. Morgan, 
deceased, was proved by the oaths of Jacob Harmer and Obed Waite, two 
of the witnesses thereto, and the codicil thereto annexed was proved by 
the oaths of Obed Waite, and John Kingan, two of the witnesses thereto, 
and ordered to be recorded. And on the motion of Presley Neville, one 
of the executors therein named, who made oath according to law, certifi- 
cate is granted him for obtaining a probate thereof in due form, giving 
security whereupon he with John Peyton, Hugh Holmes and Joseph Tidball, 
his securities, entered into and acknowledged bond in the penalty of one 
hundred thousand dollars conditioned for his due and faithful adminis- 
tration of the said decedant's estate. Abigail Morgan the executrix therem 
named in open court, refused taking upon herself the burthen of the execu- 
tion thereof. 

By the court, 

J. PE-poN, C. W. D. 0. 

A copy : Teste, J. Kean, clerk of the circuit Superior Court of Law 
and Chancery for the county of Frederic in the State of Virginia, and as 
sucii, keeper of the records of the former District C«urt, composed of the 
counties of Frederic, Berkley and Winchester. 



4.64: APPENDIX 



APPENDIX B. 

FRAGMENT OF A SKETCH OF MORGAn's MILITARY CAREER, 
WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 

To give my history in the war: I must begin with 1774, when I served 
a very active and hard campaign under Lord Dunraore. We had beaten 
the Indians, brought them to order, and confirmed a treaty of peace ; and 
on our return home, at the mouth of the river Hockhockin, we were 
informed of hostilities being offered to our brethren, the people of Boston. 
We, as an army victorious, formed ourselves into a society, pledging our 
words of honor to each other to assist our brethren in Boston, in case 
hostilities should commence, which did on the 19th of April ensuinr, at 
Lexington.;' I was appointed a captain by Congress on the 22nd of June, 
1775, to raise a company of riflemen, and march with haste to Boston. 
In a few days, I raised ninety-six men and set out for Boston — reached 
that place in twenty-one days from the time I marched, bad weather 
included, nor did I leave a man behind. I remained at that place inactive for 
six weeks, as the enemy was shut up in Boston ; when, with my own consent, 
detached to Quebec with the command of three rifle companies, viz. ; my 
own, and two from Pennsylvania, under the command of Captains Smith and 
Hendricks. The latter fell at the attack on the garrison. I was under the 
command of Gen. Arnold, with whom I marched through the woods and led 
the van. For a description of that march, I refer to a journal kept by Col. 
Heth, who was a lieutenant in my company. We reached Canada, I 
think, on the 3rd of November, in a most shocking condition— Jestiiute 
of provisions and of every comfort. We marched to Point Levi, recruited 
the troops, and on the night of the 13th, by the means of some snuU 
craft that we found drew up in the guts, and some bark canoes that we 
purchased from the Indians, crossed the river between two men-of-war, 
and within point-blank shot, slipping through undiscovered. Here I led 



APPENDIX. 465 

the forlorn hope— -went np Gen. Wolfe's cove, and formed on the plains 
of Abraham, where I expected to be attacked, but was not discovered. 
We then proceeded on to Caldwell's house. The enemy had a strong 
guard in the building, which we attacked and carried sword in hand. 
Here I also commanded the forlorn hope. We then besieged the place 
for several days; but finding our ammunition was wet, we raised the siege, 
and marched to Point Auxtrembles, twenty miles distant from Quebec. 
Finding there that the rifle powder was dry, I marched back with the 
three rifle companies under my command, and renewed the siege. On my 
return, I took several prisoners. I kept up the siege until Gen. Mont- 
gomery arrived, when an attack upon the town was determined upon, and 
in a few days carried into effect. Here I was again appointed to the com- 
mand of the forlorn hope, on the river St. Charles, under Gen. Arnold. 
The general having been wounded in the leg while under the walls, and 
before we got into the town, I sent him off" in the care of two of my men, 
and took his place in the command. For although there were three field 
officers, they would not take the command, alleging that I had seen ser- 
vice and they had not, which reflected great credit on their judgment. I 
bad to attack a two-gun battery, supported by Capt. McCloud and fifty 
regular troops. The first gun that was fired missed us — the second flashed, 
when I ordered the ladders, borne on the shoulders of the men, to be 
ir.'sed. The order was immediately obeyed; and for fear the business 
might not be executed with spirit, I mounted myself, and leaped into the 
town. The first man among Capt. McCloud's guard who was panic-struck, 
made a faint resistance, and run into a house that joined the two-gun bat- 
tery and platform, where the guard was posted, I lighted on the end of a 
great gun, which hurt me very much, and perhaps saved my life, as I fell 
from the gun on the platform, where the bayonets were not directed. 
Col. Charles Porterfield, who was a cadet in my company, was the first 
maa that followed me, and all the men came after him as fast as they had 
room to jump down. All this was performed in a few seconds. I ordered 
the vaan to fire into the house, and follow up with their pikes (for in 
addition to our rifles, we were also armed with long espontoons), which 
Ihey did, and drove the guard into the street. I went through a sally 
I)Ort at the end of the platform ; met the retreating guard in the street, 
and ordered them to lay down their arms if they expected quarters. 
They took me at my word, and every man threw his arms down. We 
then made a charge on the battery, and took it sword in hand — and push- 
ing on, took everything that opposed us at the point of the bayonet till we 



4:66 APPENDIX. 

arrived at the barrier gate. Here I was ordered to wait for Gen. Mont- 
gomery, and a fatal order it was. It prevented me from taking the gar- 
rison, as I had already made half the town prisoners. The sally port 
through the barrier was standing open; the guard had left it, and the people 
were running from the upper town in whole platoons, giving themselves 
up as prisoners, to get out of the way of the confusion which might shortly 
ensue. I went up to the edge of the upper town incog., with an interpre- 
ter, to see what was going on, as the firing had ceased. Finding no per- 
son in arms at all, I returned and called a council of what few officers I 
had with me, for the greater part of our force had missed their way, and 
had not got into the town. Here I was overruled by sound judgment and 
good reasoning. It was said, in the first place, that if I went on I should 
break orders; in the next, that I had more prisoners than I had men, and 
that if I left them they might break out, retake the battery we had just 
captured, and cut off our retreat. It was further urged that Gen. Mont- 
gomery was certainly coming down along the river St. Lawrence, and 
would join us in a few minutes, and that we were sure of conquest if we 
acted with caution and prudence. To these good reasons I gave up my 
own opinion, and lost the town. For Gen. Montgomery, having cut down 
an out picket, was marching up to the two-gun battery, when an unlucky 
shot put an end to his existence, killing at the same time Capt. Cheseman, 
Major McPherson, and some others of his good officers. Upon this Col. Donald 
Campbell, the quarter-master general, undertook to order a retreat. "We 
were then left to shift for ourselves, but did not yet know the extent of 
the misfortunes which had occurred, or it was still in our power to have 
taken the garrison. 



APPENDIX. 467 



APPENDIX C. 

THE ORIGINAL ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE OF THE COWPENS. 

Camp near Cain Creek, Jan. 19fA, 1781. 
Dear Sir : The troops I have the honor to command have been so for- 
tunate as to obtain a complete victory over a detachment from the British 
army, commanded by Lieut. Col. Tarleton. The action happened on the 
17th inst., about sunrise, at the Cowpens. It, perhaps, would be well to 
remark, for the honor of the American arms, that although the progress of 
this corps was marked with burning and devastation, and although they 
waged the most cruel warfare, not a man was killed, wounded, or even 
insulted, after he surrendered. Had not Britons during this contest 
received so many lessons of humanity, I should flatter myself that this 
might teach them a little. But I fear they are incorrigible. 

To give you a just idea of our operations, it will be necessary to inform 
you, that on the 14th inst., having received certain intelligence that Lord 
Cornwallis and Lieut. Col. Tarleton were both in motion, and that their move- 
ments clearly indicated their intentions of dislodging me, I abandoned my 
encampment on Grindall's Ford on the Pacolet, and on the 16th, in the even- 
ing took possession of a post, about seven miles from the Cherokee Ford, on 
Broad river. My former position subjected me at once to tRe operations of 
Cornwallis and Tarleton, and in case of a defeat, my retreat might easily have 
been cut off. My situation at the Cowpens enabled me to improve any 
advantages I might gain, and to provide better for my own security should 
I be unfortunate. These reasons induced me to take this post, at the risk 
of its wearing the face of a retreat. 

I received regular intelligence of the enemy's movements from the time 
they were first in motion. On the evening of the 16th inst., they took pos- 
session of the ground I had removed from in the morning, distant fronj 



468 APPENDIX. 

the scene of action about twelve miles. An hour before daylight one of 
my scouts returned and informed me that Lieut. Col. Tarleton had advanced 
within five miles of our camp. On this information, I hastened to form as 
good a disposition as circumstances would admit, and from the alacrity of 
the troops, we were soon prepared to receive him. The light infantry, 
commanded by Lieut. Col. Hov»-ard, and the Virginia militia under the com- 
mand of Maj. Triplet t, were formed on a rising ground, and extended a line 
in front. The third regiment of dragoons, under Lieut. Col. Washington, 
were posted at such a distance in their rear, as not to be subjected to the 
line of fire directed at them, and to be so near as to be able to charge the 
enemy should they be broken. The volunteers of North Carohna, South 
Carohna, and Georgia, under the command of the brave and valuable Col. 
Pickens, were situated to guard the flanks. Maj. McDowell, of the North 
Carolina volunteers, was posted on the right flank in front of the hue, one 
hundred and fifty yards; and Maj. Cunningham, of the Georgia volunteers, 
on the left, at the same distance in front. Cols. Brannon and Thomas, of 
the South Carohnians, were posted in the right of Maj. McDowell, and CqIs. 
Hays and McCall, of the same corps, on the left of Maj. Cunningham. 
Capts. Tate and Buchanan, with the Augusta riflemen, to support the right 
of the line. 

The enemy drew up in single line of battle, four hundred yards in front 
of our advanced corps. The first battaUon of the list regiment was 
opposed to our right, the lib. regiment to our left, the infantry of the legiou 
to our centre, the light companies on their flanks. In front moved two 
pieces of artillery. Lieut. Col. Tarleton, with his cavalry, was posted in the 
rear of his line. 

The disposition of battle being thus formed, small parties of riflemen 
were detached to skirmish with the enemy, upon which their whole line 
moved on with the greatest impetuosity, shouting as they advanced. 
McDowell and Cunningham gave them a heavy and galling fire, and 
retreated to the regiments intended for their support. The whole of Col. 
Pickens's command then kept up a fire by regiments, retreating agreeably 
to their orders. When the enemy advanced to our fine, they received a 
well-directed and incessant fire. But their numbers being superior to ours, 
they gained our flanks, which obhgcd us to change our position. We 
retired in good order about fifty paces, formed, advanced on the enemy, 
and gave them a fortunate volley, which threw them into disorder. Lieut. 
Col. Howard observing this, gave orders for the line to charge bayonets, 
which was done with such address, that they fled with the utmost precipi- 



APPENDIX. 469 

tation, leaving their fieldpieces in our possession. We pushed our advan- 
tages so effectually, that they never had an opportunity of rallying, had 
their intentions been ever so good. 

Lieut. Col. AVashington having been informed that Tarleton was cutting 
down our riflemen on the left, pushed forward, and charged them with 
such firmness, that instead of attempting to recover the fate of the day,' 
which one Avould have expected from an officer of his splendid character, 
broke and fled. 

The enemy's whole force were now bent solely in providing for their 
safety in flight — the list of their killed, wounded, and prisoners, will inform 
you with what effect. Tarleton, with the small remains of his cavalry, and a 
few scattering infantry he had mounted on his wagon-horses, made their 
escape. He was pursued twenty-four miles, but owing to our having taken 
a wrong trail at first, we never could overtake him. 

As I was obliged to move off of the field of action in the morning, to 
secure the prisoners, I cannot be so accurate as to the killed and wounded 
of the enemy as I could wish. From the reports of an officer whom I sent 
to view the ground, there were one hundred non-commissioned officers and 
privates, and ten commissioned officers killed, and two hundred rank and 
file wounded. We have now in our possession five hundred and two non- 
commissioned officers and privates prisoners, independent of the wounded, 
and the militia are taking up stragglers continually. Twenty-nine com- 
missioned officers have fell into our hands. Their rank, &c., you will see 
by an enclosed list. The officers I have paroled : the privates I am con- 
veying by the safest route to Salisbury. 

Two standards, two fieldpieces, thirty-five wagons, a travelling forge, 
and all their music are ours. Their baggage, which was immense, they 
have in a great measure destroyed. 

Our loss is inconsiderable, which the enclosed return will evince. I have 
not been able to ascertain Col. Pickens's loss, but know it to be very small. 

From our force being composed of such a variety of corps, a wrong 
judgment may be formed of our numbers. We fought only eight hun- 
dred men, two-thirds of which were militia. The British, with their bag- 
gage-guard, were not less than one thousand one hundred and fifty, and 
these veteran troops. Their own officers confess that they fought one 
thousand and thirty-seven. 

Such was the inferiority of our numbers, that our success must be attri- 
buted to the justice of our cause and the bravery of our troops. My wishes 
would induce me to mention the name of every sentinel in the corpa T 



4:70 APPENDIX. 

have the honor to command. In justice to the bravery and good conduct 
of the officers, I have taken the liberty to enclose you a list of their names, 
from a conviction that you will be pleased to introduce such characters to 
the world. 

Maj. Giles, my aid, and Capt. Brookes, my brigade-major, deserve and 
have my thanks for their assistance and behavior on this occasion. 

The Baron de Gleabuch, who accompanies Major Giles with these 
dispatches, served with me in the action as a volunteer, and behaved in 
such a manner as merits your attention. 

I am, dear sir, your obedient servant, 

Daniel Moroan. 

Our loss was very inconsiderable, not having more than twelve killed 
and about sixty wounded. The enemy had ten commissioned officers and 
upwards of one hundred rank and file killed, two hundred rank and file 
bounded, and twenty-seven officers and more than five hundred privates 
which fell into our hands, with two pieces of artillery, two standards, eight 
hundred stand of arms, one travelling-forge, thirty-five wagons, ten negroes, 
and upwards of one hundred dragoon horses. 

Although our success was complete, we fought only eight hundred men, 
and were opposed by upwards of one thousand British troops. 



APPENDIX. 4:71 



APPENDIX D. 

GEN.JAMES JACKSON TO GEN. MORGAN. 

j Senate Room United States, 
J Philadelphia, Jan. 20^A, 1795. 

Dear General : Since I last saw you in Philadelphia, which I think was 
in 1791, a gentleman has undertaken to write the history of Georgia. 
Your address to the Georgia refugees, published at Pacolet, in South Caro- 
lina, being in my hands, I gave it to him among other materials for inser- 
tion. The same gentleman, a Mr. Langworthy, has applied to me for other 
documents, and particularly to know if any Georgians were at the Cow- 
pens. None of the authors who have written, have mentioned them in 
that action, nor did the account given by your aid-de-camp, Maj. Giles, to 
Congress, notice them, or any officer belonging to the State, although the 
officers of the other States were very generally mentioned, and their militia 
applauded. The Georgians have imputed this to the loss of your dispatches, 
and not of any intention of yourself, who have always been one of their 
favorite commanders ; but they think hard of the silence respecting them 
in that celebrated action, and which did you tho honor of turning the tide 
of affairs in favor of the United States. 

My object in writing at present is to request, if you see no impropriety in it, 
your giving a certificate under your hand of their being present — three 
companies. The detachment was small ; but, if you recollect, you placed 
them in front of the whole ; and they strictly obeyed your orders in keep- 
ing up a warm fire and gradually retreating. I could wish your expressing 
that they behaved as well as the. other militia in the field. The officers 
commanding, if you choose to say anything of them, were Maj. Cunningham 
and Capts. Samuel Hammond, George Walton, and Joshua Inman, who all 
behaved well ; and the latter was particularly serviceable to you in adver« 
tising you of the enemy's approach and skirmishing with their advance. 



4:72 APPENDIX. 

The detachment was under my immediate command and direction, although 
I acted also as brigade-major to all the militia present. It is with difficulty 
I mention myself; but having the honor of introducing Maj. Mc Arthur, 
the commander of the British infantry, a prisoner on that occasion, taken 
by myself^ and having run the utmost risk of my life, in an attempt to 
seize the colors of the 7 1st regiment in the midst of it, on their attempt 
to form after they were broken, being saved by an exertion of Col. How- 
ard's, and for which I had the honor of your thanks on the field of battle, 
I think it a duty to my children, as the history of my State is to be told, 
to have some insertion, even of my conduct^ in that well-fought battle. You, 
sir, were rendered immortal by the action. My ambition is, to let my 
descendants and the citizens of Georgia know that I was present, and con- 
tributed my mite to your glory. Gen. Pickens has already certified to the 
requests of this letter fully. But whilst you are alive, his certificate is not 
the best evidence, and your testimony will be grateful to the citizens of 
Georgia. 

I am sorry to break in upon the important business of your present com- 
mand, and should have waited until the next session of the Federal Legis- 
lature, where we hope to see you a member, but for the pressing request 
of Mr. Langworthy to have the necessary papers. 

I am, dear general, with the highest repect and esteem. 

Your old fellow-soldier and most obedient servant, 

jAkEs Jackson. 

If you could favor me with an answer, previous to the rising of Congress 
about the 1st of March, it would highly obHgc me. 

Beig. Gen. Morgan. 



GEN. JAMES JACKSON TO GEN. MORGAN. 

Philadelphia, Feb. 9fA, 1795. 
Sir : I did myself the honor of writing you about a fortnight since, respect- 
ing the service of the Georgians under you at the Cowpens. Lest two obser- 
vations of mine in that letter should be misunderstood, I beg leave to cor- 
rect them. The first was, that I was brigade-major to all the militia pre- 
sent. I since recollect that you had militia from Virginia. The second, 
that I had your thanks. I meant not by this, your thanks in orders, but 
verbally for my conduct, which a hundred living evidences could prove 
was creditable to myself, and deserving of your approbation. CoIoboI 
McDowell, now in Congress, and who commanded the North Carolina 



APPENDIX. 4:73 

militia on that day, is one of them. General Pickens's written testimony, 
I informed you, I was possessed of, and under him I was acting. A cir- 
cumstance I will take the liberty of mentioning will serve to revive your 
memory. You had placed a sergeant over a cask of wine. After my return 
with General, then Major McAi-thux', and who I had left in custody of Col. 
Washington, I came across this man, and found him deaUng the wine out 
to all in his way. A wounded militia-man at some distance requested me 
for a drop to revive him, which the sergeant refused on my application, 
and I tlien ordered the men with me to drive him off and take possession 
of the cask. He went and complained to you, and you came very angry, 
and I expected would have struck me. Feeling myself injured, I explained 
to you the conduct of the fellow, and could not help adding that my con- 
duct had deserved a better return, mentioning to you my leaving the Brit- 
ish officer commanding their infantry with the Colonel (Washington). It 
was then that you made the sergeant beg my pardon on his knees, and 
gave me your verbal thanks, which were repeated when we stopped on the 
borders of North Carolina, and where we (Gen. Pickens and brigade) took 
the prisoners under charge, and you parted from us. Maj. Giles mentioned 
at Charlotte, on his tour to Congress, my name, as one who had distin- 
guished himself; and considering the responsibilities of my station, and 
the risks I ran that day, I had some right to expect to be named. I con 
fess I was chagrined when the account came. I, after this, ran the utmost 
risk of my Ufe at Torrens's, when the British crossed the Catawba, and 
believe, that in some measure, owing to my exertions with a few officers 
and men, the slaughter was not so great as it otherwise would have been. 
At Salisbury, where you had reached, it was beheved by Gen. Pickens and 
yourself, that I was killed. When I arrived, I had the honor of being 
received by you and him with friendship and satisfaction. At the Yadkin 
we parted, and I had the happiness after, to have my conduct signally 
approbated by that great officer Gen. Greene, who appointed me to the 
command of a State legion. 

I have been thus particular, lest so long a lapse of time should have 
made those circumstances escape your memory ; and which, not being 
necessarily connected with the principal events, tind only concerning an 
individual officer, are not likely to be retained. I had the honor, however, 
in 1791, to have the principal circumstances recognized by you. 

I shall leave this in about a fortnight for Savannah. Should you not see 
it proper to give a certificate as to myself, I shall be happy to have your 
approbation of the conduct of my countrymen. 

I am, sir, &c., James Jackson. 

Feb'y 9th, 1795. 



474 APPENDIX 



APPENDIX E. 

Paris, le 28 Novenibre, 1847. 

Je dois commencer, Monsieur, par vous demander pardon d'avoir ete si 
longtemps sans vous repondre. J'avais toujours espere que j'arriverais a 
decouvrir le moyen de vous aider a remplir la pieuse et utile tacbe que 
vous avez entreprise, et le desir que j'avais de ne vous adresser qu'une 
reponse satisfaisante, pourra peut-etre me valoir votre indulgence pour un 
silence qui sans cela serait tout a fait inexcusable. 

Malheureusement, je n'ai rien pu trouver de relatif aux temps sur lesquels 
vous auriez besoin d'etre renseigne, dans les papiers de mon pere. Cela 
vous paraitra bien extraordinaire, et il est tres simple que vous vous en 
etonniez; voici I'explication de cette singuliere circonstai^fe. Assurement 
vous ne pouvez pas douter que mon pere en revenant des ]6tats-Unis n'eut 
conserve, avec bien des soins, toute sa correspondance de la guerre et de 
la revolution Americaine. EUe etait trop precieuse pour lui, pour qu'il ne 
la recueillit pas scrupuleusement ; mais des circonstances independantes de 
sa volonte I'ont prive de la retrouver a son retour de sa prison d'Olmutz, 
et par consequent, de celui de nous la transmettre. Yous n'ignorez pas, 
Monsieur, qu'en 1*792, mon pere fut proscrit; que par suite de cette pros- 
cription, ses proprietes furent confisquees. En 1*793, au moment ou la 
France gemissait sous le regime de la terreur, tons les papiers de mon pere 
deposes a Chavaniac, lieu de sa naissance en Auvergne, furent saisis et 
bruits, sous les yeux de ses enfans, dans la cour du chateau; et au retour 
de sa prison, il ne retrouva que ceux de ces papiers si precieux pour lui, 
que des amis a leur risques et perils avaient pu enlever a la vigilance des 
hommes qui s'en etaient empares. Ce n'est done que dans ce petit nombre 
de papiers et dans les communications faites a d'autres qu'a nous, que mon 
pere a pu retrouver les documents relatifs aux evenements de la guerre 
d'Amerique, qui ont ete publies par nous, apres lui, dans ses memoires. 

J'esperais pourtant dans ce qui nous reste entre lea mains, retrouver 



APPENDIX. 475 

peut-etre quelque chose qui se rattacherait a la correspondence avec 
I'honorable General Morgan, dont j'ai si souvent entendu parler a mon 
pere ; mais mon esperance a ete de9ue. Je suis done oblige, je le repete, 
de finir cette lettre comme je I'ai commencee, en reclamant votre indul- 
gence pour mon trop long silence. 

Ma veneration pour la memoire des compagnons d'armes du pere que j© 
pleurerai toute ma vie, ne saurait etre douteuse ; ma respectueuse recon- 
naissance pour les Etats-Unis, ma seconde patrie, ne saurait I'etre davan- 
tage. Permettez moi d'esperer, Monsieur, que vous ne doutez pas, non 
plus, du desir que j'aurais, de pouvoir etre agreable a un citoyen de ce 
beau et bon pays, auquel je suis tout devoue, et du regret que j'eprouve 
de ne pouvoir accomplir le voeu de mon coeur, en vous procurant les ren- 
seignements dont vous avez besoin. Croyez bien que si des recherches 
nouvelles pouvaient me procurer les renseignements dont il s'agit, je ne 
tarderais pas un moment a vous les transmettre. 

Veuillez agreer, Monsieur, I'expression de ma consideration la plus di»» 
tinguee. 

Signe George W. Lafatktti, 

A Monsieur 

James Graham, 

A la Nouvelle Orleans, 

fitats-Unis d'Amerique, 



